The Land and the People
Joseph Rodes Buchanan
[Reprinted from a Cincinnati monthly called The
Herald of Truth, August and September, 1847]
The paramount questions of the present day concern the relation of
man to man. That relation has heretofore been one of constant
collision with a crushing of happiness and life. It has been affirmed,
that such collision or antagonism is not a necessary or essential part
of the plan of Nature, and that a proper arrangement of the relations
of man to man, will put an end to this collision of interest and of
feeling which gives rise to all the miseries of human life. The
possibility of doing this, is the great question of the age. It is the
question, whether life shall always be a great battle-field, where the
conquerors shall wield an almost unlimited power, and the victims
shall experience, through life, every possible accumulation of
sufferings and wrongs, up to death itself; whether, in the struggle
for existence and enjoyment, the feebler class shall be gradually
deprived of all the pleasures of life, and means of self-improvement,
and shall be continually held in imminent danger of losing even the
necessaries of life itself, while a more favored class, by means of
fortune, accident or energy, not only escapes these evils, but wastes,
in a profligate manner, the very means which are sufficient for the
supply of all. It is a question, whether the fates of men shall be so
unjust and unequal, as to present us one class with a hereditary right
to the enjoyment of ease and power, and another class with no
hereditary right but that of toil and want, degeneracy and death.
This question turns upon the law of the distribution of wealth. The
distribution of the goods of life by the selfish system - the system
of competition and antagonism- ever has been, and ever must be,
unequal and unjust. It necessarily divides mankind into the two great
classes of the powerful and the oppressed - the rich, who are growing
richer; and the poor, who are growing poorer - the higher classes, who
enjoy, in perfection, the rights of "life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness"; and the lower classes, with whom these
rights are little more than nominal, whose "pursuit of happiness"
is nothing more than a toilsome pursuit of bread, whose liberty is
little more than the privilege of employing eight or ten hours of the
twenty-four in sleep, eating, and relaxation from labor, or, in other
words, the privilege of employing one or two hours in the twenty-four
at their own discretion; and whose right to life does not include any
right to the means of life, and therefore is, in reality, nugatory.
What right to life has the poor operative, whose daily bread has no
security? who may, at any moment, be deprived of it by the caprice of
an employer, or by the fluctuations of commerce?
The selfish system of society tends, therefore, continually to the
destruction of human rights and human happiness; it is a world-wide
Maelstrom, in which justice and democracy are continually wrecked, and
disappear, however their pale phantoms may hover over the spot of
their destruction. The construction of some other system of society
than this, is the problem of the age. We need some system compatible
with justice - some system which will not sacrifice the substance of
republicanism, while preserving its forms; which will not involve, as
a necessary consequence, the sacrifice of those who labor, and the
isolation of all classes from each other.
But the re-organization of society requires not only a new method of
distributing the proceeds of labor fn a manner compatible with justice
and with the good of all; it must comprehend another fundamental
measure. There are immense interests involved in things which are not
the product of human labor. The air, the sunshine, the water, and the
earth, which man receives direct from God, and which are not the
products of his own exertions, must be considered in any scheme of
society; for they are the first necessaries of life, and their
distribution is one of the most important measures.
The lighter of these elements cannot be bound up and controlled by
man. Sunshine distributes itself, by its own law of radiation, without
respect to human enactments; air, too, goes alike freely to all; and
water flows too abundantly to be the subject of any grievous monopoly;
but Land, which is not furnished in the boundless profusion of light,
air and water, and which is easily circumscribed and held in
possession - land is distributed, not as God distributes the sunlight
and the breeze, but by the avaricious passions of man, by the
arbitrary decrees of government, and by the resistless power of brute
force.
That it should have been so distributed, is prima facie evidence that
our land system is unjust. This great gift of the Creator - the earth,
and all its treasures, present and prospective - should be received
and managed by man, in a spirit far different from aught that we have
seen. It should be received, not as a herd of hungry swine receive
their daily supply of food, rushing pell-mell against each other, to
get the largest possible share; but as an organized assembly of wise
men would receive a great and inestimable fund of wealth confided to
their charge for the benefit of posterity. It should be received, not
with brutishness, but with manliness; not with a fierce and hungry
avarice, but with calm, profound thought, disinterested impartiality,
and a deep sense of responsibility. The nation should deliberate
earnestly and long upon the question, to ascertain what justice
demands, and how the universal prosperity may be the best promoted in
the distribution of its land.
At this point we are met by the conservative, who replies that the
land is already justly distributed; that it is rightly owned, in fee
simple, by those who have paid for it, and who have, therefore, an
unquestionable title; that land must be owned, in this manner, by
individuals, to secure the proper rewards of industry, and encourage
its cultivation or improvement; that any other system than this is
utterly impracticable, and unsuited to the well-known laws of human
nature; that the system of individual proprietorship has been carried
out, with strict justice, in our country; and that great inequalities
of possession are nothing more than the natural and proper
consequences of the freedom of purchase and sale, and the various
degrees of energy, judgment and economy among men: in short, that our
whole land system is based upon the laws of Nature, upon necessity,
and upon the principles of strict justice between man and man.
Moreover, he affirms that any discussion of this question, or assault
upon the existing system, is Agrarian, and dangerous in its tendency;
that it teaches men to disregard the sacred rights of property, and
encourages the spirit of turbulence and robbery.
There is no little plausibility in these suggestions of the
conservative, and there are many conscientious men who will feel their
force, and, regarding them as conclusive, will turn aside with scorn
from the great land question, as a hobby of corrupt politicians and
brawling demagogues.
But far differently will it appear to those who examine this matter
thoroughly and fearlessly; to those who examine the land system to
ascertain its justice - not merely legal justice, but true, absolute
justice, in the fullest sense. Far differently will it appear to those
who examine our land system as philanthropists, and inquire whether it
is the one best calculated to promote the happiness of all, and insure
the greatest amount of wealth and prosperity to the nation.
It matters but little whether we take up this matter as a question of
justice, or as a question of social happiness. There is but little
difference in the two methods of consideration; for universal justice
involves necessarily a due regard to universal happiness; and, on the
other hand, the highest schemes of philanthropy necessarily embrace
the principles of universal justice, as the warm, living body embraces
and contains its solid skeleton as the basis of its structure. We
propose to discuss this subject by laying down certain fundamental
propositions, which are either self-evident, or easily demonstrable,
and tracing the legitimate deductions from these premises.
- The earth is an original gift of God to man, and, as such,
belongs, of right, to the human race in general, and not to the
individuals of the race, separately.[1]
- The exclusive proprietorship, in fee simple, of any given
amount of land, by an individual, is an infraction of the common
rights of the race, unless a general consent has been given by the
community to this monopoly.
- The rights of individual proprietorship are consequently
factitious or conventional, and based, in reality, not upon
governmental edict or immemorial usage, but upon the will of the
people.
- Antecedent generations have not an unlimited power to prescribe
the legislation of posterity. Each generation, therefore, has the
right, in itself, to establish its own conventionalities, and
re-create those institutions which depend upon its own consent for
their legitimate existence.
The first proposition is one of those self-evident truths which
scarcely need to be enforced by illustration, and yet how entirely
does it appear to have been overlooked in human legislation. The
object of government seems to have been, in almost all cases, to
abrogate or supersede this original right by a multitude of private
monopolies, and so effectually to obliterate all traces of its
existence, that mankind should forget their great primitive right to
the soil, and become so habituated to monopoly as to consider any
reference to their fundamental original right, an idle and profligate
speculation.
Yet this is a great truth, and one of the most important practical
bearing; for it is at the foundation of society, law and government.
It is a truth upon which we must act. Its tendency is eminently
benevolent and just, and whenever men shall be ready to base their
social institutions upon this great fundamental truth, there will be
the grandest and most beneficent revolution in government and society
which has ever yet taken place. We propose to elucidate this assertion
by taking our fundamental proposition, tracing its necessary
consequences, showing how we are bound, in justice, to embody this
principle, and what would be the glorious practical effects of thus
going back to first principles, and rendering our governmental action
just and true.
If the principle be true, we are bound to act upon it. If it be true,
obedience to this truth must be beneficial to man. With a clear and
undimmed perception of its truth, we cannot hesitate about adopting it
as the basis of action. But, crushed and buried, as this principle is,
beneath the false and artificial institutions of society, millions of
the most enlightened portion of the human race pass through life,
suffering intensely from the effects of the present organization of
society, without ever once suspecting the existence of their great
fundamental and violated right.
Well do we remember when and where this great truth first became
manifest to our own mind. Some twelve or thirteen summers had brought
our youthful mind to that stage of progress in which decisive opinions
were to be formed on the great questions of philosophy and morals. The
justice and policy of our land system we had not scrutinized or
doubted; we had heard no syllable whispered against the justice or
policy of the arrangements in which all men seemed to acquiesce; but,
in the course of our desultory reading, poring over the daily packages
of newspapers to which we had access, we met with a paragraph in Poulson's
Daily Advertiser, (an old Philadelphia newspaper,) which at once
made an indelible impression upon the mind. A correspondent of that
paper - apparently an Englishman - undertook to justify the English
system of tythes, and, in a paragraph of thirty or forty lines,
presented an apparently unanswerable statement. Regarding established
churches, with their tythes, as among the most hideous features of
European tyranny, we were overwhelmed by the force of the argument,
which seemed to justify this clerical tax. It was argued, that the
clerical right to tythes was just as valid as the rights of any fee
simple proprietor in the kingdom; that they were nothing more than a
peculiar form of rent, not distinguishable, in principle, from the
ordinary rents of landlords. If, for example, ten persons had been
originally joint proprietors of an estate of a thousand acres,
entitled, in common, to its entire rental, they might either receive
their rent in partnership, or divide the tract, and each receive the
rents of 100 acres; or, if one of the party wished to enjoy his
separate interest, without the trouble of exclusive possession or
ownership of one tract, he might retain a claim to one-tenth of the
rent of each of the tracts; which claim would be as valid and just as
would be his fee simple claim to the full enjoyment and possession of
100 acres. In like manner, a great lord, in disposing of his estates,
might think proper to give land in fee simple to those who would wish
to own and possess it; but to bestow merely a portion of its usufruct
or rental on others, who desired merely a certain income. He might
thus leave his estates in possession of some one who could maintain
their dignity undivided, and give to his clerical relatives or friends
a greater interest, as above illustrated. If, for example, he wished
to give a clergyman or church one-twentieth of his landed estate, in
the form of salary, he might, instead of conveying any specific tract
of land, charge the whole of his land with the payment of
one-twentieth of its rental to the object of his bequest. Thus, by
private agreements, by bequests, and by governmental appropriations,
the church might become, although not an extensive landholder, a
participant in all the land revenues of the kingdom. For there can be
no doubt that he who is competent to convey the land, with its whole
rental, is also competent to convey any portion of that rental,
without conveying the title. Thus might the church become a quasi
proprietor or partial landlord, and collect its tythes, or any other
species of charges, with as unquestionable a right as any landlord of
the kingdom can possibly have to his land and its rents.
Convinced by this argument that the ecclesiastical taxes, which were
so abominable in the eyes of Americans, were, in all probability, as
well founded in justice as any of the rights of landed proprietors,
and that they must stand or fall together, we at once inquired whether
the whole system of tythes, rents, and land titles, was or was not
founded in justice; whether it could be true that any body of men,
whether clergy or landholders, were entitled to live in splendor -
they and their successors forever - upon the toil of the less favored
classes. We could not realize, in our crude conceptions of justice,
any authority for the establishment of such an order of hereditary
nobility - a class of men privileged to live by a heavy tax upon the
remainder of society. We could not recognize, in any lord, king, or
government, the right of thus establishing hereditary distinctions
among men, to last forever, and thus control the organization of
society in a more enlightened age, by the edicts of the dominant
powers of an early and less enlightened period.
Yet such are the legitimate consequences of the present system of
land-ownership. Establish the unlimited control of individuals over
land, and you necessarily have large bodies of land consecrated to
private ownership, and yielding in perpetuity vast incomes to the
proprietors. In other words, you have an aristocratic class supported
by the most burthensome tax upon the industry of the remainder of the
community. The owner of the land, and his successors, contributes
nothing to the welfare of society, as a return for his wealth; he
simply monopolizes a certain portion of the common heritage of man,
and for this the human race becomes tributary to him. Whatever the
formalities by which this arrangement has been legalized, we cannot
feel that it is just.[2]
To render the case more apparent, suppose that some few hundred
proprietors had been sufficiently wealthy and energetic to monopolize
the soil of North America. Suppose that, under grants from the English
crown, or from the French and Spanish, they had become legal
proprietors, and sagaciously held fast to the soil, for the sake of
the vast income it was destined to yield. Suppose that these few
hundred proprietors had remained in London, exercised their ownership,
and refused to sell their title to any portion. Could this arrangement
have been maintained? would it have been submitted to? Would the
inhabitants of the North American continent have submitted to the
vassalage of this condition? These landlords would have been to
America a more important and more absolute power, in reality, than any
of merely governmental functions. The dependence of a nation of
tenantry upon their landlords, is more abject than that of any colony
upon its parent country. Were the present land system thus set forth
in its naked deformity, it could not exist; it would fall to pieces
from its own hideousness. The absurdity is too glaring: place the
landlords in one country, and the tenantry in another, and announce,
as the perpetual law of social order, that the citizens of one country
shall pay, from their own hard earnings, an annual tribute of a
thousand millions to the citizens of another, thus maintaining them
forever in an idle and profligate splendor: make this a fundamental
part of the constitution of society, with no other reason whatever for
its existence, than some arbitrary theory about title to the soil - a
theory as false as it is pernicious - and the common sense of the
world would sweep away the false and barbarous system, as soon as its
operation was seen. The land system owes its tolerated existence to
the fact that it is not seen and understood; that it is so commingled
with all the arrangements of society, as to render it difficult to
disentangle the complicated web. But if it is wrong and hideous in its
nakedness, when set forth by itself, it must still be wrong and
injurious, however it may be disguised and commingled with other
affairs.
If it is horrible to see a class, like the Irish absentee landlords,
drawing from that unfortunate nation immense incomes, extracted from
the sweat and blood of millions - if it is horrible to see a nation,
producing within itself an ample support by its toilsome industry,
perishing beneath the ravenous mouths of legal vampires - if it is
horrible to see two millions perishing for the want of the necessaries
of life, while the food which they have produced is legally snatched
from their mouths to swell the wealth of an idle, useless, and
unfeeling class-who, that looks upon society in its true light, can
see, with any complacency, this horrid machinery of death fastened
upon the vitals of the great Anglo-Saxon republic, in which the hopes
of good men have centered, as the chosen home of liberty and justice
for the oppressed.
In vain shall the "Exile of Erin" seek for "a mansion
of peace" beneath the folds of the "star-spangled banner";
in vain shall he fly from the death and ruin which fill his native
land, if, wherever he flies, he finds the same vast web of power and
tyranny, embracing in its meshes the people of every land. His escape
is but temporary; he but flies from the smaller to the larger and
looser meshes of the net. The same threads here surround and limit his
movements; from year to year the cords are growing stronger, and the
meshes are growing smaller, and the multitudes of men, like swarms of
insects, are placing themselves within the close and crushing
imprisonment of this web of feudal law. The evil day may be postponed,
by emigration to America; they may be here but slightly bruised and
cramped at first, but the day of crushing and death, when the blood of
millions shall flow freely, is but postponed a few generations.
We do not utter these fearful predictions from a gloomy or an angry
impulse. Far from it. We must confess that we belong to the hopeful
class of optimists. Aye! we are Utopians! we belong to the very
visionary class who believe that the future must be better than the
past, and that truth and justice must ultimately triumph. But if we
see a brighter sunlight far ahead on the journey of humanity, there is
no reason why we should be unconscious of the blackness of the thunder
cloud which overhangs and terribly darkens the landscape. The race of
man is morally and socially, as well as physically, diseased. If we
believe in the recovery and future health of the patient, that is no
reason why we should be insensible to his corroding ulcers, and the
fearful chronic derangements of his vital organs.
We do believe in the vis medicatrix naturae of humanity; for
we believe that in the most interior life there is health.
Regeneration has commenced in the interior of the soul. The spirit of
America and Europe is undergoing regeneration, and will regenerate the
grosser body of society. In the mind of the Caucasian race, there is a
soul-center, in which truth, purity, and genuine life exist. From this
center the mentality of the race is regenerating, and, as it
regenerates, the body is regenerated by its diffusive power. The
putrescent accumulations, caused by the moral poison and malaria of
past ages, will be excreted from the body of society, and a beautiful
rejuvenated humanity shall rise before us.
Of all the acrid poisons that shall be thus expelled from the
constitution, the most potent, permanent, metallic poison, is the land
law. This law, disguise it as we may, is a relic of despotism; it
perpetuates an ingenious system of serfdom, not less pernicious than
the villeinage of the feudal ages. If human ingenuity can devise any
plan by which the present land system can be made compatible with the
principles of democracy; by which it can be made to result in anything
else than the establishment of corrupt, arrogant wealth on the one
hand, and pauper-like degradation on the other, we may acknowledge
that it is not inevitably a social poison; but until that has been
done, we shall assume that it is a terrific poison, and that the great
duty of the political physician is to eliminate it entirely from the
social system.
How, then, shall we accomplish the abolition of the land system? Let
it be abolished by Justice - not by simple destruction, but by the
substitution of the right for the wrong; by constructive, and not by
destructive philanthropy. Is it impossible to be just? Is it
impossible to base our institutions upon the principles of abstract
right? Is obedience to justice beneficial or injurious to a nation?
Believing that duty and happiness are associated - that not only
individuals, but nations, are capable of attaining their highest
destiny only in obedience to the laws of justice and true religion -
we have no disposition to shrink, or even hesitate in the pursuit of
national duty. The national duty is the abolition of a pernicious land
system, and the creation, in its stead, of a system compatible with
justice and philanthropy.
Justice affirms that all men are born free, and equally entitled to
the favors which Heaven has extended to man; that all men are joint
tenants of the globe, with but one landlord, "who is in Heaven,"
to whom we owe, at least, as heavy a rental as ever a terrestrial
landlord has exacted. We owe to Him the rental, not only of the soil,
but of the running water, the sunshine, and the breeze, and of the
mortal frames in which we are now dwelling. To Him are we bound to
consecrate all of the usufruct of earth, beyond the necessities of a
proper existence. We are bound to see that the fullness of the earth's
productions shall not be diverted from the service of their legitimate
proprietor, to be employed in supporting the selfishness, the
profligate waste, the idle luxury, and the arrogant pomp which
constitute a large part of the machinery of death in civilized
society.
Just in proportion as we permit this diversion, are we guilty,
whether we divert these means of good to our own selfish aims, or
tolerate their appropriation, by others, for unholy purposes. The
means of human happiness and regeneration - the means of rendering
earth a paradise - have been given to man in ample abundance. The
fertile earth returns, for his toil, twice the amount that is
necessary for his subsistence. Let him not, then, complain of his
destiny. Amply has he been furnished with the means of elevation to
the highest sphere of felicity in which material life can flourish.
The means are in his hand; it needs but his will to use them.
But ah I how vainly has this benevolence been lavished upon us! How
blind have we been to our own interests! Inspired by the spirit of
evil, we have constructed a system of society and law ingeniously
contrived to violate forever each duty that we owe to God and man. We
have contrived that the vast surplus of wealth beyond the support of
the human race, shall be employed, not for the benefit of the race,
not for the fulfillment of any duty, not even for the alleviation of
the want and suffering which our shocking injustice allows to exist;
but shall go to add to the mass of evil - shall go to build up
distinctions and wide separations in society - shall go to foster
idleness, selfishness, avarice, sensuality, profligacy, vanity,
arrogance and despotism.
How long, oh! fellow countrymen! shall this be permitted? How long,
fellow laborers, will you bow down a willing neck to this galling yoke
which civilized society has provided for you and your posterity
forever? How long shall we surrender an unquestionable right which we
have both the right to assert, and the might to maintain, and submit
to be repaid by the scorn of the opulent and the neglect of our
rulers? How long shall we continue to yield our birthright for the
miserable "mess of pottage" which civilization has given us?
How long shall we surrender silently our great estate, and see our
children kept down forever, for want of the opportunities of education
to which we and they are entitled? How long shall the honest and good
poor man sit down in threadbare garments to a scanty meal, and teach
his children to reverence the institutions of society, which have
provided for the sons of poverty a very rugged path, and which have
secured their unalterable degradation, by a combination of physical
toil and artificial ignorance, which render hopeless their attempts to
rise! [3]
Let us arouse! Americans! the Great Republic has not yet fulfilled
her mission, or thrown off all the chains of despotism. The heaviest
manacles yet remain. Let us arouse, fellow laborers! assert our
rights; put away the cup of bitterness which has been prepared for us;
and claim the destiny which justice awards us. Let us arouse, brother
Reformers! and cry for justice - justice to all men, to each
individual, to ourselves, to the future. Let us call for the
Birthright Of Humanity. But in what form shall we demand it? The
highest practical wisdom and purest philanthropy will be required to
overcome the difficulties presented by this question.
This question is surrounded by a thousand difficulties. Avarice,
prejudice, passion, and self-interest, stand in the way of every
possible adjustment. No matter what the solution, there must be a host
of evil passions roused. No matter what the arrangement we propose for
the restoration of human rights, there must be, of necessity, a mighty
power of wealth, of social and numerical influence, arrayed against
it. No matter what the motive of the change, we may expect that the
whole force of the present moral machinery of society will be at first
arrayed against it. But "we, the people," have the power not
only to execute our will, but to raise up the proper organs for its
expression.
We approach this great question, with an earnest desire for the
adoption of some practicable scheme, by which the principle may find a
worthy embodiment. We entreat all, who agree with us as to the
inherent right of man to the soil, to give their most earnest and
impartial thought to the practicability and probable results of the
principle, when rightly embodied.
Were the earth an untenanted wilderness, or were we discussing this
question simply in reference to the unap. propriated national domain
of the United States, its decision would be much more simple. But we
aim at no limited scheme of social regeneration. Justice to all
humanity is our aim; and in this Country we demand a regeneration of
the Land System, alike in reference to the occupied and the unoccupied
territory.
Shall we, then, propose to restore each man his birthright, by
annulling the existing titles to land, and dividing the whole of the
soil of the United States, occupied and unoccupied, equally among the
citizens? Far from it! Such a scheme would be a miserable climax of
folly and injustice, fit only to render the great principle equally
odious and ridiculous. There are "vested rights" in the
soil, which we must reverently approach, and not rudely destroy. The
man who has just purchased and paid for his tract of land, would
regard any invasion of his title as a robbery not less felonious than
that which assails his purse, or in any other way deprives him of the
fruit of his toil. It would, in many cases, deprive the owner of the
only reward he has received for years of honest labor. Yet, if the
principle of land monopoly is false, and if the practical effects of
the system are terribly pernicious, there must be some method of
redress. If the title is defective, (and we maintain that all such
titles are defective, when the nation wills that they shall no longer
exist,) there must be some method of going back to primitive justice,
which our consciences can sanction.
The difficulty in the emancipation of the land, is the same which
attends the emancipation of the slave. The original title is defective
in either case; but use has sanctioned what law has ordained, and,
under these guaranties, capital representing industry, perhaps manual
labor - capital to which the title was unquestionable - has been
invested in slave property or land property; and when we emancipate
either, the purchaser becomes a sufferer, in consequence of his
unhesitating faith in the permanency of those laws under which his
investment was made. We need not here introduce the legal "caveat
emptor.'' The buyer has exercised all the caution that we can demand.
"We, the people," by our laws, have guarantied his title,
and he could not presume that we would change our mind, and withdraw
the guarantee. Nor have we an indisputable right, in such a case, to
deprive the owner of his present enjoyment, without any redress for
the fraud that we have put upon him. The frequent transfers of
property which have taken place in different generations, have thus
surrounded the question of land and slave emancipation with a most
embarrassing difficulty. But if we have Justice as our guiding star,
we may, perhaps, find our way out of this legal labyrinth, without
much injury to social order.
The restitution of the people's right to the soil, cannot, then, be
justly accomplished by the simple scheme of dividing the land among
all the citizens; nor would such a scheme be any better, in its
practical results, than in its justice.
No forced division and proprietorship of this kind can accomplish
much for human benefit. The same causes which produced inequality,
poverty, and oppression, once, would do the same again; and this
forced division would operate only as a premium upon idleness, and a
discouragement upon industry - more and more pernicious, in proportion
to the frequency of its repetition. The injustice of such a scheme
must ever render it impracticable; and the absurdity is still more
ridiculous, when we reflect that a large portion of the community have
no use for land, and would be encumbered by the gift, unless an
opportunity of selling or renting is immediately at hand.
If this division of the land is, then, impracticable, how can the
principles of justice be applied to the United States and Europe? We
reply, that such division is entirely unnecessary. Private monopoly of
land is the evil against which we contend, and it is not to be
remedied by merely changing its form, or subdividing its front. The
fight must be asserted - the right of the people to the soil must be
the basis of legislation; but the right of the whole people to the
soil is a very different thing from the right of separate individuals
against the nation to a monopoly of a circumscribed portion. It is the
philanthropic right of the mass which we must maintain, and not the
selfish claim of the individual.
We must maintain, in legislation, the broad principle that The Nation
Owns The Soil, and that this ownership is paramount to all individual
claims. Thus is the right of each individual of the nation restored in
all its fullness. He becomes not the petty proprietor of a few acres,
walled in against his fellow men; but a joint proprietor of the whole
realm. The groves, the parks, the gardens, the corn-fields, the
woodlands, the prairies, and the mountains - all are his: the
landscape is his own - hill, dale, and stream - bridge, fountain,
grove, and thicket - all, all display the vastness and the beauty of
" My Own, my native land."
But while thus asserting the proprietorship of the people, there is
no necessity for disturbing the existing arrangements for the
cultivation of the soil, or for disturbing any industrial pursuit, by
the rude interference of government.
When the "great unknown" landlord, "WE, The People,"
is informed of the vastness of his estates, and determines to take
possession and enjoy them, he may simply inform the cultivators of the
soil that they are henceforth his tenants, and that he will be a very
mild and generous landlord, if his rents are regularly forthcoming
when demanded. The class of idle landlords may also be informed that
their parchments have been invalidated by the supreme tribunal, and
that, inasmuch as their incomes may be curtailed by the loss of ground
rents, it would be more conducive to their health and happiness to
engage in some species of useful industry, by which their own habits
might be improved, and the national prosperity increased.
But while these, perhaps, may be his thoughts, we may be doing him
injustice by putting such a speech in his mouth. Not such will be his
actual salutation, although such may be the expression of his meaning,
when it has been developed by a century of action.
The people are to be the landlords, and the vast productiveness of
the soil which now sends up tribute to the opulent, in the form of
rent, shall be made tributary to the commonwealth alone. The vast fund
of wealth thus accumulated, shall be The People's Income, and shall be
consecrated to their benefit - so to be expended, that the greatest
amount of benefit shall be thence received by every citizen of the
country. Thus will each citizen, however humble, be restored to his
rights as joint owner of the vast farm of many millions of acres; thus
will he receive his income as joint proprietor; and thus will the
great problem be solved, of rendering justice to all, without
subverting or injuring the existing social institutions!
The commonwealth becomes the landlord, and its overflowing treasury
becomes the source of national prosperity and elevation. But if this
proprietorship is exercised like that of ordinary landlords, endless
abuses will arise. To take possession of the land estates of a whole
country, and lease them out for various periods; to attend to the
collection of rents, the division of estates into convenient forms or
sizes, and the determination of the value of improvements, or terms
upon which they should be constructed; to manage all the complicated
business that would thus arise, would produce endless difficulties,
confusion and corruption, as well as enormous expense. There is no
necessity for any such interference by the government with the details
of business. The plan we would propose aims to avoid all these
difficulties, as well as the numerous objections which might arise
from the apparent harshness, inequality and injustice of the measure.
The great desideratum is to legislate so as to attain the following
objects:
- To give to every man his birthright in the soil.
- To render this right a matter of real and permanent value to
himself and his posterity.
- To produce the least possible disturbance in the existing
arrangements of business.
- To inflict the least possible injustice upon existing
proprietors.
- To produce the greatest possible amount of national prosperity,
happiness and improvement.
We believe that all these objects may be attained in the highest
degree by the following plan:
- (To give to every man his birthright in the soil.) The Nation
or Commonwealth shall assert the national and common ownership of
the entire soil, for the benefit of every individual.
- (To render this right a matter of real and permanent value to
himself and his posterity.) This right shall never be subdivided
or alienated; but shall ever be maintained in the form of joint
ownership by the commonwealth; and the revenue derived from the
entire rental of the soil shall ever be consecrated to the benefit
of the people, so that each individual, and his posterity forever,
shall continue to be recipients of the greatest amount of benefit
from this vast estate, which the joint wisdom of the nation can
possibly devise.
- (To produce the least possible disturbance in the existing
arrangements of business.) The commonwealth shall in nowise meddle
with the details of agriculture, renting and leasing of estates,
determining possession, &c.; but shall leave property in the
hands of its present owners, precisely as before, excepting that
it shall levy an ad valorem rent of the most moderate and
reasonable character, upon the soil alone, claiming no interest in
the buildings and other productions of manual industry. This rent
shall be a uniform per centage upon the market value of the land
in every part of the country, but varying progressively during the
first sixty years of its establishment. It is not proposed to
introduce at once this grand social and political revolution; it
is not proposed to strip at once the present proprietor of his
sovereignty over the soil, for the sake of vesting the title in
the people. Let the grand change from monopoly to nationality be
made as gently as possible. Let the monster Land Monopoly perish
gradually from inanition, until his dry and bloodless frame shall
remain as a harmless zoological specimen. The land rent should be
so graduated, as ta allow the lapse of at least two generations
before the usufruct of the soil shall pass entirely into the
possession of the people. Let us suppose that 5% upon the
valuation of land is a fair moderate rent, and let us establish a
rising scale of rents which would, in 60 years, attain this
amount, commencing with a twelfth of one per cent., and increasing
one-twelfth annually - we reach, in twelve years, a rent of 1%,
and in 60 years attain a rental which absorbs into the
commonwealth something like the entire net value of the soil.
Private ownership is then virtually dead, and the ownership of the
people is established in the only convenient, durable and
serviceable form. There are some minor questions of expediency as
to the exact point at which this rent should commence, and the
exact point to which it should go. The existing land taxes might
be recognized as a portion of the system of rents advanced to the
point at which they stand; or the system of the commonwealth might
proceed entirely irrespective of other financial arrangements. The
question as to the ultimate limit of the rent, need not be decided
at present. Although it may not deviate far from five per cent.,
it is unnecessary that we should determine very precisely the
proper arrangements of another generation more competent to
legislate for themselves than we can be at this distance of time.
- (To inflict the least possible injustice upon existing
proprietors,) - is a task of no little delicacy. The restoration
of violated rights, even in the case of a stolen horse who has
passed through many hands by regular sale, is often a matter of
grievous hardship to the losing party. The invalidation of land
titles will be to many a serious loss; nevertheless, by the method
we propose, it falls upon the proprietors so gently, as to produce
no shock - nothing comparable to the disastrous effects of
litigation, with which we are familiar. There will be no such
destruction of estates and prospects, as was witnessed in the
history of Kentucky, when, from an imperfect land system, so large
a portion of the land titles were contested in court, and so many
whose prospects for life presented competence or wealth, were
reduced to poverty by law. On the contrary, the operation of the
law will be so gentle, that even those who experience the greatest
inconvenience will not be overwhelmed by its extent. Of the adult
proprietors of land, of all ages, from 21 upwards, it is not
probable that many would live to witness the redaction of their
revenues from land as much as 50%. Basing our calculations upon
the statistics of the British peerage, which show an expectation
of life between the ages of 20 and 29 of 27.03 years, we may
conclude that the average longevity of those who have just
attained manhood, would remove the whole generation before the
rate of 2.5% per annum had been attained. But as the existing
landlords, at the time of the adoption of such a law, would range
in age from 21 to upwards of 100, their mean age, even if we place
it as low as 35, would not give even 24 years as their average
continuance of life. It is, therefore, certain that the average
effect of such a law upon landholders, would be to raise their
rent progressively nearly as high as 2% before they die, which
would be equivalent to paying a tax of 1% per annum upon their
land estate; from the time of the adoption of the law, to their
death. Again, reducing the varieties of individual cases to an
average estimate, the succeeding generation would gradually
advance through life from a 2% to (a small fraction over,) a 4%
rent; or, in other words, would pay an average rent for life of
about 3%. Upon the present race of land owners, therefore, the
operation would be remarkably gentle, (a tax of 1% per annum,) and
only the third generation would realize its full power. Its
operation would be mainly prospective, and mainly felt by those
who grow up under it, accustomed to expect its cflects, and not at
all startled or inflamed when the expected consequences arrive.
This very gradual introduction will remove one of the greatest
objections to this measure; but, for the sake of rendering its
operation still more liberal, it might be proper to make a
distinction between those who have derived their land from
inheritance or gift, to whom the full force of the law might be
applied, and those who had, within a certain period, paid money
for their possessions. The latter might be allowed certain
exemptions-such, for example, as paying but a limited rent during
their lifetime-the exemption terminating with their lives. A
clause of this character.would relieve the hardships of innocent
purchasers; and something of the kind seems to be demanded by
equity. Thus, gently, and without bloodabed, convulsion, or
suffering, may be introduced the most important revolution which
may ever illuminate the pages of history.
- (To procure the-greatest possible amount of national
prosperity, happiness and improvement) - is the delightful duty
which the new land system would enable us to fulfil. The immense
revenues of the soil, pledged to the people's good, shall be
controlled by the commonwealth, and wisely used for all. At once
the whole face of society is changed. The government is no longer
sustained by taxation; its coffers, overflowing with an
unprecedented wealth, it is felt by the people only in the streams
of benevolence which it is continually outpouring. The
tax-gatherer will be unknown; toll-gates will be abolished;
custom-houses unnecessary; and all the fees and costs of justice
will be at an end. The abstract rights of humanity will be found
not in the derided speculations of philanthropists, but in the
living facts of society; for there will be enough, and more than
enough, to guaranty the rights of all. No longer will the country
be annually convulsed by the petty schemes and intrigues of party
politicians, in reference to insignificant objects. Each State
enjoying an annual revenue of twenty or thirty millions of
dollars, will find its great duty to be the Elevation Of The
People, and its power commensurate with its duty. The race of
bar-room politicians will be at an end; for a higher order of men
will be demanded for the purposes of the government. The business
of legislators will not be to struggle with each other for the
ascendancy of a party; but to excel in wisdom and goodness - to
distinguish themselves, by accomplishing more than was anticipated
for the happiness of the people, and the general elevation of the
race. The arts of strife and corruption will, therefore, gradually
give place to the art and science of benevolence. Profound
knowledge and sterling originality will-find their sphere of
development, and science and philanthropy will soon be placed .at
the helm of State.
What may they not accomplish? Look at the vast revenues which would
be at the disposal of the government! A State of 40,000 square miles,
(which are nearly the area of Ohio,) or 25,000,000 acres, would
doubtless have a revenue of $25,000,000, under this land system,
before a high rent had been attained. With an average value of $100
per acre, which must be attained when the population is sufficiently
dense, the rent would ultimately amount to $125,000,000 per annum!
The value of land increases with the density of population, and
hence, the greater the number of people to be benefitted by
government, the greater the amount of revenue with which to serve
them. On this system, the increase of the population increases the
commonwealth, and swells the flood of beneficence which is flowing for
the people. Under the present system, every child born among the
laboring classes adds to the amount of oppression which they must
endure in the form of low wages, lack of employment, and oppressive
rents. Under the national land system, increase of population will be
counterbalanced by an increase of means to provide for their
prosperity. The plain matter-of-fact calculation of dollars and cents,
shows that the prosperity attainable under a national land system is
beyond all parallel in the history of the world. A power would be
built up upon this Western Continent, in comparison with which, the
greatest kingdoms that the world has seen would be but barbarous
tribes. States like Ohio, Kentucky, and Virginia', would enjoy
revenues ranging from $20 to $150 millions each-a revenue for the
people, collected without hardship or violence, without laying a tax,
or interfering with any industrial pursuit. With such a revenue, Ohio
might change her entire physical and moral aspect, presenting a State
more highly improved, and a population more highly cultivated in mind,
than has ever yet been seen.
Let us suppose this benevolent system in operation for 20 years, with
a $25 million revenue for the people, and contemplate the results
which it would develope.
- It would construct annually from 100 to 200 miles of free
railroad for the people, to be used with no other expense than
that of the locomotives - thus rendering the travels of a
passenger by railroad about as cheap as the travels of a letter
under our present Post Office regulations. The State would be
traversed by from 2,000 to 4,000 miles of free railroad. An
unlimited intercourse would exist among the citizens; the value of
land would be equalized over the State; the farmer would have the
best market, accessible for a trifle; the products of agriculture
and horticulture would be rendered cheap in the cities; and the
convenience of country residences would diminish the crowded
population and enormous rents of city life. Thus the laboring
classes of town and country would advance in prosperity.
- It would cover the State with libraries, (placing one every
five miles,) of ten thousand volumes each.
- It would cover the State with school houses of the best
construction, with every desirable convenience, apparatus, &c.,
placing one every two miles, and maintain efficient teachers in
these schools.
- It would establish and maintain, on a liberal scale, 150 free
colleges, with a thousand professors, placing a college every 20
miles over the State.
- It would appropriate a million annually, for the relief of want
and disease; the support of orphans, foundlings, and insane; and
correction or reformation of criminals.
- For the education of the adult population, it would maintain a
corps of one thousand professors or lecturers upon all departments
of knowledge, by whose services the people should be enabled to
carry on a course of education through life, and a great amount of
intelligence arid mental activity might be imparted to those whose
early opportunities had been deficient. The effect of this,
combined with a general collegiate education of all youth, would
be to give a highly intellectual character to the whole community,
keeping the whole population up to the level of the highest
intelligence of the age. In such a community, violent crimes and
political demagogues would soon disappear, and public sentiment
would need but little assistance from the law in maintaining
public morals.
- It would establish and maintain a magnificent Institute of
Science and Art, by means of which everything useful to man might
be developed - by which agriculture and the mechanic arts,
geology, chemistry, medicine, anthropology, education and
political or social science, might be rendered vastly more
profitable to man than they have heretofore been. A model farm or
farms, with a scientific corps to investigate on a large scale
that combination of chemical, geological, botanic and economical
science which constitutes agriculture, and thus direct the
agricultural labor of the State in the most profitable channels,
assisted by agricultural colleges through the State, would be an
important part of the plan. All the useful arts of civilization,
too, should receive similar attention, and all the inventive
genius of the country should be enlisted in the Institute for -the
improvement of; practical mechanical science. With equal energy,
the cultivation of chemistry, geology, medicine, anthropology and
political or social science, should be prosecuted by the
Institute. We have not time or space to depict the splendid scene
in our 'mind's eye,' and show how, by the well sustained and
directed labors of the Institute, our country might be made the
very head and fountain of science and art - the acknowledged
leader of the world. But we must not forget the importance of
normal schools as a part of the plan, and of the apparatus for
publishing and diffusing the benefits of the Institute. The
Institute, although one of the most important and vivifying
portions of our whole scheme, would be one of the, least
expensive. Such institutions will yet come into existence; and
when they do, will do much to introduce a new era. The Smithsonian
Institute of Washington, the Association for Practical Science in
this city, and the Inventors' Institute at the East, are the
harbingers of the new era in science, which will arise from united
effort hereafter.
The seven great results which we have here sketched, when their
expenses are calculated on a liberal scale, absorb but about
three-fifths of the $25 million revenue, which, during 20 years,
amounts to $500,000,000. By these three-fifths of the revenue, we
cover the State with free railroads, free schools, free colleges, and
free libraries - bringing all within, the reach of every citizen; we
relieve want, reclaim the criminal, educate simultaneously the whole
community, old and young, and bring them to the point of intelligence
which will cause them to adopt immediately the agricultural,
mechanical and scientific improvements of the Institute - thus being
far in advance of any cotemparary people. The stage of enlightenment
thus attained, renders it certain that the people will be able and
willing, under the able guidance of the Institute, to accomplish
everything necessary to abolish the remaining social evils, and
complete the proud mission of America. The monster evils of Black and
White Slavery, may easily, be thrown off by the giant strength of the
Commonwealth. The latter will be abolished, and all the evils of the
competitive system, by a scientific reorganization of society,
(assisted by the power of education,) which will elevate the laborer
to a level of intelligence, comfort and freedom, which has ever been
deemed the exclusive privilege of the capitalist. The former evil will
be abolished too, if not, by the gradual operation of moral or legal
power alone, there will be a pecuniary power sufficient to purchase
every slave from his owner, to confer upon every black an education
equal to the highest collegiate and practical or industrial
attainments of the white, and to transport the entire race, with all
the necessary implements, goods, and other appropriate outfit for a
colony, to Africa, or any other portion of the globe which may furnish
a desirable home.[4]
Thus would the highest hopes of good men be realized. The highest
order of social existence which is possible to man would be brought
within our reach by a system which would secure universal
enlightenment, would give us a state of greater social equality, and
would realize the brotherhood of man and man in the vast schemes of
mutual benevolence accomplished by our commonwealth. From this
political and benevolent brotherhood there would be an easy progress
to the highest social state, in which the great law of Christianity,
mutual love among men, and holiness in the sight of heaven, should
constitute the great reality of human life. Such is the goal of
humanity.
The plan of human elevation, as here stated, is but a half-sketch.
There are rights and wrongs, and necessary reforms, to which we have
not even alluded; but they are not forgotten. The theme has already
expanded more than Avc anticipated, and we turn aside from the broad
landscape of Destiny, with the simple declaration, that we aim at the
speedy abolition of All Evil.
On the other hand, what is the sacrifice by which this is to be
gained, and what are the evils of this, stupendous system of
philanthropy? It is but a gradual and easy sacrifice of cupidity to
duty - a gradual yielding by landlords of their baseless titles - a
gradual sacrifice of that great bane of republics, an indolent and
haughty aristocracy - a gradual approximation of the "upper ten
thousand," with their valuable parchments, to the familiar level
of their fellow citizens, whose annual toil of hand or brain supplies
their annual bread - an extension of the principles of American
Democracy from the harangues of politicians to all the channels of
society - a transfer of thousands from the ranks of dissipated
idleness to the ranks of useful employment - a change of political
discussions from tariffs and tax-laws to education, philanthropy and
science.
So far from being an evil, viewed on its darkest side, it is in all
respects a noble scheme. Viewed in its worst aspect, it appears to be
but an energetic and thorough enforcement of principles, which all
politically avow. It is but a full embodiment of principles in our
Declaration of Independence, which have heretofore been more
conspicuous in theory than in practice. And for this reason, so far
from regarding the social change and invalidation of land titles as an
evil, we rejoice in it as an illustration of the spirit of American
Democracy, and as the last great blow, - the death-blow of tyranny,
political and social.
Regarding the objections to a just land-system as trivial and
insignificant, we inquire why should, it not be adopted forthwith. It
is applicable to all countries in the world wherever the will exists
to enforce it; and wherever it is applied, it will give to the nation
an amount of national wealth which will render it tenfold more
formidable to its rivals in political and military power. More readily
would its beauty be unfolded in the more thinly settled countries,
where a smaller sacrifice of private capital would be required for the
change. And especially do we hope to see in the vast territories of
the American continent, an application of these principles of
political justice. In the solitudes of those trans-Mississippian
forests, which have never yet been profaned by the complicated systems
of social wrong which belong to Europe and her half-regenerate sons in
America, let there be a pure republicanism, established; - let the
unencumbered soil be consecrated to the commonwealth, and let private
monopoly be forever forbidden. If the older States of the Union
hesitate to adopt this scheme of justice and philanthropy, let them
dwell in their misfortunes until the example of their newborn sisters
in the West shall eclipse in 20 years their progress of two centuries
- until they see a State settled by people of very moderate means, and
with but a scanty population, eclipsing everything in the world's
history by the splendor and magnitude of its improvements, its roads,
its public architecture, its schools, colleges, libraries and
hospitals-surpassing far its sister States in the enlightenment and
happiness of the people, and in the wisdom of their government.
To carry out this great scheme of democratic justice, the People must
be aroused to a sense of their rights. They must bring, forth their
energies to pull down the Party Of Land Monopoly, and to raise up the
Party Of The CommonWealth.
The establishment of a Commonwealth, based on equality of
land-rights, presents a different future from any that has yet cheered
the hopes of man. A will exists to regenerate his social condition,
but the means and the way are not distinctly seen. They are to be
found in the land. This is the Archimedean fulcrum on which our
political lever may move the world. In one way or another the age of a
Commonwealth must come. The laboring millions are banding together in
England and America, conscious that union and co-operation alone can
save them from the social slavery to which competition inevitably
reduces the lower classes; and commonwealth, or co-operation in some
form, is the great aim of the leaders of Humanity in this age. We
advocate a political Commonwealth as one of the great stages of
national advancement, in which we may view the past from a higher
ground, and from which we may move, with rational wisdom and with
resistless power, to a still higher stage of social progress. We
believe that this will be the most effectual jnethod of demolishing
the existing evils of our republic, and will open the shortest road to
that great future which lies before us.
It is time to assert the principles of a commonwealth. The great
principle of man's right to the soil is already asserted by a growing
party, - the National Reformers. They are urging the adoption of this
principle in reference to the United States' lands, and propose to
carry it out by limiting the amounts to be owned, by individuals, and
by giving the settler a proper allowance of land as a free donation.
As a practical measure for the benefit of the people, and especially
of the agricultural laborers, there is a strong probability that it
will be sanctioned by the American people, before they are prepared
for the adoption of the fundamental principle. But if they, who
believe in man's right to his natal soil, are contented with this, and
the homestead measure alone, which are in reality but initial steps,
they fall far, very far short of carrying out the noble principle
which belongs to the Land-movement, and which gives to its political
action a higher character than that of common party struggles.
The Land Reform, to be consistent with its vital principle, must be
applied to all the soil of the country, occur pied and unoccupied: to
be efficient for the universal and equal benefit of the people, it
must not be limited in its operation to a certain number of
cultivators of the soil. To give all classes the benefit of their
rights to the soil, it will become necessary that they should hold, as
we propose, in joint ownership; and to ensure the most beneficent
effects to the nation, we know of no better method than the
application of the common funds to the common benefit by the public
authority.
The great body of liberal thinkers in the United States should
organize their powers for political action. There are thousands of
Land Reformers, ready to recognize man's right to the soil, and to
take measures to enforce it, when they see a satisfactory plan before
them. It is probable that few enlightened minds have limited
themselves to the measures which have been as yet brought out by the
National Reformers. Those who are imbued with the true spirit of Land
Reform will seek to make its operation universal, and to establish
that great commonwealth in which it necessarily results.
Rouse and bestir yourselves, American Land Reformers, before our
Western Commonwealth beyond the Mississippi has been lost! There still
is a commonwealth, for there is a vast area which "we the people"
still hold in common. There is our future Eden, where the great
serpent of Land Monopoly has not yet crawled - where the Arch Tempter
has not yet procured the desecration of God's great gift to-man. Let
us first protect ourselves from speculators, by securing the law for
the benefit of settlers. Let us then proclaim the principles of a
Commonwealth, and thunder in the ears of our representatives at
Washington the Declaration of Human Rights. Tell them that the land
was made for man, and not man for the land. Tell them that the proud
title of American Citizen signifies one of the Sovereigns of a
Continent, and not a miserable trembling appendage of the soil - a
cringing creature following the beck of either political Lords or
Lords of Land.
While others are settling the question of the exclusion of
black-faced slavery, let us settle the more important question of the
exclusion of white-faced despotism. Let us secure for ourselves, and
for our children, at least one true republic - one "Land of the
Free," where there shall be not only "life, liberty and the
Pursuit of happiness," but the Enjoyment of happiness itself; and
where there shall be, not only peace and plenty, but that Fraternal
Equality, and that fulness of universal knowledge among the people,
which shall render ours the Model Republic.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
- Practically, we might
recognize a modification of this principle, in consequence of the
division of the race by geographical barriers, difference of
language, &c., which render it expedient to consider each
nation as the lord of its own soil. Yet the proposition we have
laid down must be considered the paramount principle, to which the
other must give way whenever practicable.
- The landlord's tax is paid by
all classes of society; it increases in proportion to the amount
of population who need food. The increased price of food goes not
to the tenant or laborer, but to the landlord alone. Rent is
nothing more or less than a tax upon the whole community.
- This statement is sufficiently
illustrated by history, and by the laws of political economy. So
familiar is the fact, that it has even been used as an argument in
behalf of Slavery, which is claimed to be as desirable a condition
as that to which the laboring classes are naturally destined. The
Southern Quarterly Review justifies the condition of the slave, by
the remark-"There is no laboring class, in any nation, better
cared for, better fed, better clothed, better sheltered in old
age, enjoying so great a share of the personal attention and
kindness of his employers, or reaping so large a part of the
profits of that capital with which his labor is combined. . . .
Now the utmost that the laborer of any country can hope to obtain
in return for his labor, is food and clothing, fire, a dwelling
place for himself and family, and shelter and support for his old
age."
- This elevation of the African
race by education, without which any system of emancipation would
be unjust to them, would probably so far remove the prejudice of
color as to render their emigration unnecessary.
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