Mortgages and the End of the Depression
Frank Chodorov
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom,
September-October, 1933]
The man in the street the man who never owned a piece of property or
knew anything about how real estate transactions are financed, has
been reading a lot recently about the daily stories of bank closings.
"Frozen assets" has become a term of trenchant
significance to everybody who has a dollar deposited in a bank. It is
realized that somehow there is a relationship between these
unliquidatable assets and the present business depression, and that
their thawing out must be a prerequisite to the return of prosperity.
An analysis of the nature of these assets will reveal how cogent this
relationship is, and will indicate how natural economic forces are at
present operating to right the economic maladjustment.
Nature fights its own battles.
It is the unsalability of the collateral upon which presumably
profitable loans were made that causes "frozen" assets. The
borrower is unable to pay interest on the loan, and the bank finds no
market for the collateral given as security; thus the principal of the
loan is impaired. The bank is then in the position where it cannot
collect either the interest or the principal, and must continue to
carry the loan on its books as an asset with the hope that changing
trade conditions will create a demand for the collateral. If the
depositors, whose money was loaned, do not demand their money, the
bank can continue in this condition of suspended animation.
The question then arises as to whether the collateral will ever, or
within a reasonable time, be worth the amount that has been loaned on
it. If the banker's judgment of the intrinsic value of the collateral
was tinged with a guess as to its future value, then the
collectibility of the loan is dependent upon how soon, if ever, his
prognosis will prove correct. Therefore, it is the loan upon
speculative values that is the plague of bankers and other lenders of
money.
Now, of all loans, those made on land values are in the most
speculative class. Even a cursory analysis of the methods of financing
real estate operations shows that the element of speculation is
inherent and hardly divorcible. Since the collateral for such loans is
represented by mortgages, we have only to consider how loans are made
on these documents to see how expected increases in land values or
unearned increment must influence the judgment of the lender.
The builder buys a lot for, let us say, ten thousand dollars. That
amount may represent the present economic value of the lot; that is,
the value that attaches to a piece of land because of the present, not
expected, press of population in that particular locality. However, it
is only in times of depression that land is sold for its true economic
value, and as in such periods very little building is done, very
little land is sold. As a general rule the seller anticipates in his
price the value that will accrue to the lot b; virtue of expected
increases in population. The selling price of a piece of land is
really a capitalization of its annual rental value for a period of
approximately twenty years, taking into account the increases in this
annual rental value due to expected or proposed socially created
improvements in the neighborhood, such as a park, street car line, a
subway station, a school. In fact the very structure which the builder
proposes to put upon the lot he is buying boosts its price, and he is,
in a sense, bidding against himself. It is important to remember,
therefore, that the selling price of a lot almost always includes its
expected future value; and this is speculation. Which part of the ten
thousand dollars which our builder may pay for his lot represents
speculative value depends on the conditions at the time of the sale;
the shrewdness of the buyer, the exclusive character of the lot, the
need of the seller for cash, and so on. For the purpose of our inquiry
it is sufficient to know that speculative land value enters into the
price paid.
The builder expends twenty thousand dollars for a structure on this
lot. We shall assume that he borrows for this purpose only fifteen
thousand dollars, a sum so modest it would interest the most
conservative banker giving, of course, a mortgage on both land and
building as security. To prove our point we are taking the most ideal
case, where the builder invests his own capital to the extent of fifty
per cent of his enterprise, which is very rare indeed. But, if we can
show that the bank is speculating in this rare case, we shall readily
realize how much more "frozen" are its assets which consist
of ordinary real estate mortgages.
It must be borne in mind that while land value may appreciate,
building values always depreciate. And while rising land values
increase the borrowing capacity of the owner, lenders are very prone
to overlook or minimize the crumbling character of the other part of
the security. So long as our builder is able to pay the interest on
the mortgage, no matter what the source of the money, the banker will
not question the quality of the collateral. To be sure, the fact that
the neighborhood has become more desirable, and that the land has
therefore enhanced in value, will enable our builder to either
increase his first mortgage or to place a second, even though the
building has become dilapidated and antequated. In due time borrowings
are mainly or entirely based upon the value of the land, the building
having reached the point where replacement may be more desirable than
upkeep. The bank has its money loaned on land values, more or less
speculative; the earning capacity of the building, which should be the
only source of payments on the mortgage gradually but surely
diminishes. When payments on the mortgage cease the bank forecloses,
and finds itself owning a non-income producing lot and an
expense-producing building. The depositors' money is "frozen."
The original fifteen thousand dollar loan may have been increased to
twenty-five thousand. It usually is. The original ten thousand dollar
lot may have doubled in value. Still the bank takes a loss, and the
only hope of the land-owning bank is to induce another builder to put
a revenue-producing structure on the land. And, as an inducement, the
bank increases its first mortgage again speculating on the future
value of the lot.
So, we see that even in so rare an instance as where the operator
invests his own capital to the extent of fifty per cent of the cost of
land and improvement, eventually the mortgage loans will be based to a
considerable extent on speculative land values. This is due in part to
the inevitable wiping out by nature of the value of the improvement,
but mainly to the bankers' fetish that land is a good investment. It
is true that land is a good investment for those who can hold it for
many years, until the increase in population creates an actual value
equal to or in excess of the speculative value originally included in
the price. Yet a bank should not tie up its depositors' money for
generations. It is true that land cannot be destroyed; Yet land values
are always in a state of flux. In every city cases can be shown where
so-called "hundred" per cent" locations have in a few
years become less valuable due to some change in the trend of
population; a new artery of travel, an influx of undesirables into an
aristocratic neighborhood, or the mere moving of one big commercial
institution to another part of the city. Mortgage loans readily expand
with increases in land values, even with expected increases, but do
not contract as readily. The security back of every mortgage loan is
to some extent a speculative land value.
In the vast majority of real estate transactions, the mortgage loans
are very much in excess of the amount invested by the operator, and
clever manipulators have been known to finance large building
enterprises with bankers' money only. So that at the very inception of
the real estate transaction the bank is speculating in land values. At
that very moment the "freezing" of bank assets begins.
Speculation in land values during prosperous, or even normal periods
is quite safe, for the very simple reason that industry and labor are
dependent for their existence on the use of land. The first
requirement of a business is a place in which to do business. And
again, all the things the business uses in its operations come from
the land. Also, the employees must have homes, food, raiment -- and
Mother Earth provides everything. The same industry flourishes the
greater the demand for land, and, therefore, the higher its price. As
the price of land goes up mortgage money is more easily obtainable.
Every dollar loaned on the value of land is a tax on industry, for it
is industry that pays the interest on mortgages.
When business is good, when labor is employed, returns are sufficient
to bear this burden. As the burden increases, profits and wages
decrease. The diminishing return to capital and labor causes both to
demand less land to live on, and less of the products of the soil to
use. This is exactly what happens during times of depression. When
business concerns start to retrench they seek reductions in rents, and
their demands are met either by their present landlords or by others
who have already lost their tenants. Workers out of jobs move into the
homes of relatives who are still able to pay the rent. When wages are
reduced the laborer finds it necessary to curtail on his food, and the
farmer cannot pay the interest on his mortgage.
When these things happen, as they are happening now, a period of
deflation of speculative land values sets in. Since secondary
mortgages are based upon land values almost entirely, they are the
first to go. These mortgages are sometimes beld by banks, but more
often by individual investors; but, as it is not uncommon for these
mortgages to be hypothecated with banks, it is these "safe"
institutions that carry as assets on their books many second and third
mortgages, as well as firsts. All the money thus advanced is secured
by unearned increment only a very uncertain and evanescent quantity.
Land does not pay interest. When bankers learn that only improvements
produce revenue, and that these improvements constantly deteriorate in
value, they will have learned the first lesson in avoiding "frozen"
assets.
Perhaps the most poignant example in recent times of the effect of
land speculation by banks was that afforded by the rise and fall of
mortgage values in the agricultural states since the World War. For
many generations the hope of our wheat farmers had been "Dollar
Wheat" -- that is, a market price of one dollar per bushel. Along
came the war, and the price of wheat was "fixed" at $2.65 by
Hoover. The dream had been more than doubled in realization. The
farmers were not only elated by the unheard of profits, but they
dreamed the dream of all who acquire large amounts of wealth, that of
ceasing to be producers and of becoming landlords. Aided and abetted
by the bankers they proceeded to the realization of this new dream.
For farms which cost them a few dollars per acre, or which they had
inherited from forebears who settled on land grants, they found buyers
willing to pay hundreds of dollars per acre. Multiply, say, four
hundred dollars by six hundred and forty (only one section) and you
have an amount on which the interest is sufficient to keep a family in
luxury in any metropolis in the world.
No more work. What a grand and glorious feeling for the man who all
his life got up at five in the morning to do his chores. But the war,
unfortunately, did not last, and wheat dropped and dropped until it
acquired the soubriquet of "two-bit" wheat. At these low
prices the purchaser or tenant could not pay the interest on the
mortgage made when the land was "sold" at four hundred
dollars per acre. The banks foreclosed and became the owners of
acreage now worth maybe one tenth of what they had advanced on it. Of
course they were insolvent. That's what always happens to banks which
speculate too freely in land. And, by the way, it is these insolvent
bankers, and the landlords they created, who are clamoring most loudly
for "farm relief" relief from losses due to their wild
speculation.
It might be argued that "frozen" assets do not consist of
mortgage loans only. Well, what are the other kind of loans that a
bank makes? It makes loans on commercial paper that is, on the promise
of a business man to repay when his assets, such as bills receivable
and marketable merchandise, are turned into cash. Any one familiar
with sound banking methods knows that a loan of this kind is made only
upon evidence that the maker of the promisory note is in possession of
at least twice as much in liquid assets as the amount of the loan,
that he has a thriving business, that such business has a record of
achievement and a reasonable promise of continuance, that he is a man
of integrity and proven business judgment. How much more secure is the
bank in making such a loan than one on speculative land values? In one
case the bank is risking its money on a living, vibrant institution,
represented by a human being who is dependent for his livelihood and
success upon the continuous goodwill of the bank; in the other case
the bank has for its security an inanimated and evanescent quantity.
How many bankrupts have, long after their discharge, paid up old bank
loans? A man who intends to stay in business cannot afford to let the
bank lose money on him; to him the banker's smile is as manna from
heaven. But, who cares when a bank loses on a mortgage loan?
Comparatively little of the "frozen" assets from which
banks are now suffering is in the form of commercial paper and that
little is due either to the lack of judgment on the part of the bank,
or perhaps the personal interest of the banker in the borrowing
company. But, there is another form of investment which is a matter of
as great concern as mortgages; upon analysis there will be found a
great similarity. It is that very safest of all investments to bankers
the bond. Now, a bond (except a government bond, which is a mortgage
on its taxing powers) is in essence only a mortgage on real estate.
This fact is very apparent in the case of a railroad bond. As for
bonds issued by industrial corporations, these could never be marketed
if the corporation did not own some kind of real estate a building, a
mine, an oil well, a right of way. This is attested by the prominence
given to these holdings in the prospectuses issued by the corporations
when offering the bonds for sale.
It is true that a bond is first mortgage on the entire business of
the corporation just as any mortgage is a lien on both the building
and the land value. And an industrial bond has an advantage over a
mortgage in that there is a more ready market for it; most bonds can
be sold at a price at all times. But in times of depression the price
is low because the holdings the bond represents have depreciated in
value, a fact of which the buyers are well aware. Plant-equipment and
inventories are worth what it would cost to replace them at the
present market, and public accountants upon which figures financial
statements are issued are very careful for their own reputations not
to overvaluate these items.
But when a corporation needs money, and it does when it creates a
bonded indebtedness, its officers' guess as to the value of its realty
holdings is likely to be quite optimistic. This optimism is the
speculative value of its realty, and embodied in the bond. Bonds are
low now because the speculative value is being liquidated. When a man
loses his money in a game of chance, his hoping and wishing cannot
recoup his lost fortune. To make a "come back" he must go to
work; he must produce new wealth. If he wishes to try his luck again,
he may be more successful. But his original money is gone forever. And
so, speculative values that are being wiped out now are lost forever.
The money that is being lost now in mortgage loans will never, never
come back. This is so because the values upon which these loans were
made were non-existent; they were hoped-for values that would accrue
to the land when, or if a growing and industrious population would
create them. But the cost which these very loans imposed upon the
industry of the population diminished their ability to make use of the
land, and lessened thereby their demand for it. Here, the expected
value, as represented by these mortgages never materialized. The loans
were made on hope, and the hope has vanished. The loans are vanishing,
and when these vanishing assets aggregate more than the bank surplus
capital and other assets, failure results. There is no way out of it.
Much is being heard of plans whereby capital might be loaned to banks
that possess an abundance of "frozen" assets. This would
simply delay the debacle, not prevent it. The ownership of these "frozen"
assets would be for a time transferred to government; the thawing is
inevitable. It would need large increases in population, and the
industry of at least a generation, to create the land values on which
the loans were hypothecated. It is doubtful if any plan contemplating
the tying up of capital for so long a period is feasible. Nor is it
desirable. The liquidation of land speculation is a prerequisite to
the resumption of industry. To turn again to fundamentals, labor and
capital must have land on which to go to work. Nothing can they do
without this primary source. It becomes evident, therefore that cheap
land (and by the word "land" economists mean all natural
resources) is the greatest incentive to industry.
Perhaps the best omen for the return of prosperity is the present
liquidation of speculative land value through the wiping out of
mortgages. The wiping of mortgages, or that part of them which
represent speculative values only, will bring the rent of land down
where labor and capital will not be burdened with a prohibitive
exaction of tribute, for the mere privilege of going to work. Since
going to work is the cure for, in fact very antithesis of, depression,
it is obvious that we cannot get out of our present economic doldrums
until the proccess of liquidation shall have been completed.
That this process of liquidation is being rapidly completed is
evidenced most forcibly in the case of agricultural lands. There land
v alues have fallen almost, sometimes quite, to the point of
extinction. It is not uncommon for foreclosed farms to be sold at a
price that does not represent the cost of the improvements; the land
is thrown in "to boot." I do not refer to farms in the
Dakotas, or in Texas, where the inflation did not reach the ridiculous
heights it attained is southern Minnesota or in Iowa. Even in the
glorious Hawkeye State, where farms sold during the boom years at over
five hundred dollars per acre, sales have been made during the past
year at fifty dollars per acre -- all improvements, of course,
included. Because such prices plainly indicate that they are below the
cost of labor values, it is very apparent that site values have
dwindled to the point of non-existence. We have "free" land.
There can be no question as to the complete liquidation of farm land
inflation. No such "reductio ad absurdum" test can be
applied in the case of city lands, because there the presence of a
congested population is an ever present economic force that prevents
the absolute disappearance of values. But the almost total cessation
of real estate transactions in all cities seems to indicate that
deflation has been practically completed. For, if real estate
transactions are most plentiful on a rising market, and decrease with
a falling market, then it follows that a stagnant market indicates a
total collapse of values.
When good buildings in desirable locations are being sold for less
than the cost of reproduction, the differential represents only a
shrinkage in the site value. The inflation is gone. That is the hope
for an early revival of business. A study of the conditions preceeding
each of our previous economic depressions shows that wages fall first;
commodity prices follow; the drop in land values, whether in sale
prices or rentals, is last. Wages have fallen to a point where they
hardly provide a mere existence for the worker. Commodity prices are
below the cost of production. Now we have almost "free" land
in our agricultural sections, and in the cities "hundred per cent"
locations are being rented to merchants on a percentage of their
sales. Thus we have the complete trilogy of declining returns
attendant upon our former periods of hard times, and heretofore
antecedent to a revival. Unless there are forces in our present
collapse that are fundamentally different and more disintegrating than
those present in the past, we should now see a gradual rise in wages,
commodity prices and, of course, land values. As land values rise
inflation will naturally follow, and the groundwork for another
periodic depression will be prepared.
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