Waiting for Turgot:
Tales of Politcal Economy
Edward H. Clarke
[July 2000 / Part 1 of 5]
"Esperanto, par specila instrumento" "One who
hopes, with a special instrument"
FORWARD
This work is about the theory and practice of politics, including "a
strict theory of politics" and the practice of a "rational
social art". The practice aims at incentive-compatible design of
institutions, using the demand-revealing process by way of example.
The work is written to stir political entrepreneurship, aimed at
social change and a philosophy of hope.
The demand revealing process has been called a "new and superior"
process for making social choices. I approach the development of the
idea from the viewpoint of "concretizing utopia" and "heresthetics"
(the art of political entreprenuership). In these contexts, I present
a vision of the demand revealing process as a means of practicing a
more rational social art in the next century and beyond. The vision is
admittedly somewhat utopian, even though following a modern conception
of Ernst Bloch, it is a "utopia of the concrete", Simply
put, the book presents ways of dealing with problems of information
and incentive (and bounded rationality) that provide paths toward out
individual and collective utopias.
The book aims particularly at "concretizing utopia" in
terms of a "political economy of mobility". It is aimed at
demonstrating the use of the demand revealing process in designing
intergovernmental and private sector arrangements affecting the
movement of people, goods and services. The initial focus of the work
has been largely on domestic and international air travel.
The book is also, in large part, a personal memoir aimed at the "anticipatory
consciousness" of prospective practitioners of social art. It
brings my perspective of some 25 years of travel (wanderings) in the
policymaking sphere to what could constitute useful practice of social
art. It interprets both "theory" and "the practice of
social art" for a non-technical audience and is aimed at
policymakers. The book ranges across an ideological landscape, from
Marx to Mises. This is natural because the heart of the problem being
addressed is the possibility of "rational calculation in the
socialist community" (Mises, 1920) which was also the subject of
my earlier book (see Clarke, 1980 and 2000, chapter I).
What kind of political philosophy is it? It depends, as I often
suggest to students. Having returned to the domestic bureaucracy or
civil service in Washington, D. C. in late 1988, I have often had the
opportunity to instruct students (interns or other new co-workers) in
dealing with public policy problems. They often inquire about my
political philosophy to which I reply. "I'm a libertarian
socialist". But they (Alice figuratively) would say; That's
impossible, isn't it? To which I usually reply: "Yes, but only in
reality. In reality, I am a moderate liberal heresthetician."
As this work tries to show, there is no fundamental contradiction in
the philosophy of incentive-compatible libertarian socialism, although
there may be in political reality. In reality, one looks at politics
as the art of the possible. I have tried to keep in mind what is
possible in advocating an approach to institutional design built upon
the modern theory of incentive compatibility which is a means of
better taking account of individual preferences in making social
choices. (For readers with no knowledge of incentive compatibility and
demand revealing, the basic concept are presented in a brief appendix
at http://www.pair.com/flower1/example.html
For students of philosophy, of politics and the concrete realities of
economics, the policy sciences, and "heresthetics", I have
written this book in order to stimulate greater interest in the art of
incentive compatible institutional design -- the practice of a more
rational "social art", if you will. I propose an approach to
design that will explain a lot of contradictions, a lot which I have
worked out in my own character and mind over the last 8 years.
In drawing together and sharing fragments that I had written over the
years, I learned a lot about my character in relation to society. The
work reflects a strong desire to create more workable communities and
more "user friendly" networks among them. Often I use the
metaphors of Utopian literature -- for example the Utopian communities
or phalansteries of someone like Charles Fourier. By background and
historical accident, I am not much of a social architect and am often
guided more by the spirit of a Bestiat who eschewed the efforts of the
system builders while constructing his own "economic harmonies".
This work demonstrates how the two conflicting philosophies might be
reconciled, and how, as I tried to demonstrate in my 1980 book, how
capitalism and socialism could be reconciled within the framework of
modern representative democracy.
By way of background, I had started my working career (around 1965)
working on the economics of new towns and became a fan of sorts of
Ebenezer Howard's "garden cities". I did not realize then
what these communities would become some 30 years later as I now
explore modern sociological criticisms of the economic and political
realities that have transpired in these communities during the
intervening years. During that early career, I also tried the
economics of building new airports (indeed a third international
airport for Chicago about 8 miles out in Lake Michigan during the late
1960s). During my subsequent working in State Government in Illinois,
I was instrumental in not having the Lake Airport built, and of
avoiding the building of any airport for some 30 more years. During
the time I was working on "new towns" and a "new
airport", I discovered demand revelation, the implementation of
which is largely the subject of this book.
To try to demonstrate how a single idea puts capitalism and socialism
together and has relevance for the planning and management of
communities and of networks (i. e. of roads and airports), one runs
the risk of appearing to be infected with a certain degree of "monomania",
a possibility I alluded to in the first chapter of the earlier book.
This is, in part, the confessions of a "monomaniac". There
is something often comical or tragic about the belief that a single
idea can cure the world's ills. If I did not pursue this work
sensibly, it could likely rank among one of the good tragicomedies of
our time, but still have enough entertainment value to win some kind
of prize in such a competition. Maybe it could be bowdlerized by
others to compete in the new millennial competitions and called
something like the 21st century public accountant or public
administrator and sell some (if not much less) than the sales of the
21st Century stockbroker (a book I have recently seen on the shelves
across the street from the White House).
As a serious piece of work, trying to avert tragedy or comedy, I am
seeking to prepare a serious piece of utopian scholarship that induces
the use of demand revealing decision techniques in the practice of
governing institutions. During this millennium, we have seen about 500
years of serious utopian scholarship and I to influence the work of
the next 500 years in ways that will bear more fruit in terms of
practical application. The work is a serious attempt at selling the "pivotal
mechanism" or "Clarke tax" mechanism (named after
myself) as a method of organizing collective activity and achieving a
future that might otherwise continue to be regarded as Utopian,
instead of a philosophy (and way of implementing it) of the "here
and now".
Manuel and Manuel (1979) in writing about the "Utopian
propensity" noted that paradoxically the great Utopians have been
great realists. "They have an extraordinary comprehension of the
time and place in which they are writing and deliver themselves of
powerful reflections on socioeconomic, scientific and emotional
conditions and their meaning in history... without taking leave of
reality, utopians have performed symbolic acts to dramatize their
break with the present".
I conceived of the book in November, 1987 in a house on a mountaintop
next to the French embassy in Port au Prince Haiti. My cook had
returned from the elections of November 27 with a story that he had
seen at least 5 people killed (machine gunned) at the polls. I was
then seething with a militant (utopian) optimism which I briefly
describe below.
Over the course of a few weeks I had conceived of this work which I
had entitled "Sketches" (or Esquisse) after Condercet's last
work. I wanted to provide a sketch of sorts involving about 25 years
of "reflections on political economy" followed by a second
part of the book which suggested directions for a "rehabilitation
of the political economy". Over the succeeding years, the work
took a more modest direction and was entitled "A Political
Economy of Mobility".
In reconstructing and seriously pursuing this work during the
intervening eight years (having worked out an application to
management of the Nation's air travel system), I decided that I would
have to try somehow to become a more effective apostle of change. (If
not an active agent of change, then I wish to try to stimulate such
agents). Change is a word that creates deep conflicts, even moral
ones, for myself and society. In my spiritual development, I
constantly hear that it is the single greatest ingredient of "progress".
The other ingredient is "living in the moment", which when
taken together with change, has often struck me as problematic, if not
a contradiction. In any case, the idea of change over much of the last
year became a sort of intellectual and spiritual pursuit of sorts in
which I integrated my ideas for practical application of demand
revealing under the broad rubric of "mobility policy" and
linked these to the philosophers of the enlightenment, mainly the
Baron Turgot, the great "progressivist" and apostle of
change in the ancient regime of prerevolutionary France. How I work
this out in my attempt to find myself as an agent of change appears in
Chapter 2 of this work, entitled "Waiting for Turgot". It is
also reconciled there in terms of the "stay awhile" of the
Faust legend which drives the spirit, and much of the content, of the
work.
Between 1995 and now (Y2K), this has been a work in progress,
consisting of what appears here and my work to implement demand
revealing in aviation management institutions. It is tied to the kind
of intellectual calling I espouse in Part I of the book and which my
work on applications of demand revealing tries to illustrate. This
involves the practice of social art, in a manner foreshadowed by
Turgot and carried forward in the work of Condercet.
In reality, of course, one must put the pursuit of the rational
social art in some perspective. The poet and philosopher Goethe during
the early 1800s was fascinated with the ideas of the physiocrats (of
Turgot, Adam Smith and others) as well as the ideas of Condercet as
carried forth by Saint Simon and others.
But Goethe, for one, interpreted and practiced the implementation of
ideas reasonably. In this context, I am a moderate liberal
heresthetician. As Goethe observed towards the end of his life (in
conversations with Eckerman) and in speaking about the English and
Swiss utilitarians (Bentham and Dumont), "Dumont, you see, is a
moderate liberal, as all reasonable people are, or should be. I myself
am one, as I have tried to practice all my life."
The reconciliation of the practice of social art with the political
theory (centering on the demand revealing process) that I espouse in
this work reflects, at bottom, the spirit of Goethe's philosophy and "stay
awhile" approach to the art of public administration.
The art of public administration, however, is not ideology free, nor
are the ethical foundations of ideas on implementing demand revealing
that are espoused in the several books of this work.
The book (particularly Parts II and III) is also about the "ethical"
foundations of the demand revealing process, which has strong
normative content. Around 1997, in a short article on "some
aspects of the demand revealing process, I defended it in Benthamite
terms (i. e. cost avoidance relative to existing institutions). It was
to my mind, in the lexicon of Bentham, a means of providing "security"
(against the tyranny of the majority) and achieving political economy
in the sense of the "expenses" of the State.
Twenty years later, my thoughts on the evolution of the idea had
evolved into a social philosophy about change and about the processes
of "concretizing utopia" in the sense of personal striving,
involving both self and society. This is a set of philosophical
reflections on advancement of ideas in the liberal-humanitarian style
of Turgot and Condercet. But this style can be compared and contrasted
with other styles -- Chiliaistic, conservative or socialist-communist.
(See Mannheim, 1936). Part II sets forth these philosophical
reflections in the context of several approaches towards "concretizing
utopia" utilizing a philosophy (or principles) of Hope (Bloch,
1986). The way in which this is done tests the potential success or
failure of what I espouse, determining whether incentive compatibility
improves the "prospects of scientific politics" (Mannheim,
1936).
The tensions in these philosophic reflections obviously bear on the
composition of the book and its underlying ideology. I do not pretend
that a work on the practice of social art will be free of ideology,
though my rendition of it may be more explicit (about the underlying
ideology) than others. Perhaps more than anything, however, I seek to
present "the Practice" in a form that will be useful and
stimulating to practitioners both outside of and inside the United
States.
When the work began in Port-au-Prince, Haiti in late 1987, it was
filled with a much more passionate, if militant optimism, that may
have resembled Condercet's last work (Esquisse). I was infected with a
combination of liberation theology and disgust, bordering on
Chiliaism. Almost a decade later, it is more reflective, less
passionate and more guided by the burgeois liberalism of the
practicing American economist. The more passionate liberal optimism
has been relegated to a final Part III for family and friends, so that
I can enjoy a meaningful dialogue with social scientists or
practitioners of public policy in the United states, somewhat free of
the "militant optimism" that still infects the philosophic
foundations of this work. The "optimism" has been at least
turned inward and is strongly conditioned by the American Ethos and
the possibilities facing the moderate liberal practice of political
economy in the United States today.
What is different from the directions taken in my work up to 1980 and
now can perhaps be understood in the epilogue to this book. Happy
Valley (borrowed from Foldvary, 1995) is enjoying a birth of an "anticipatory
consciousness" (embedded in hope) that results from participation
in the shaping of community decisions, work and living experiences,
and the network of systems (communications, transportation) that
extend beyond the territorial boundaries of Happy Valley. What is
happening in Happy Valley at the beginning of the new millennium is
concrete and the mechanisms used for collective decisions do not
appear all that different from what its residents have become
accustomed to using in the past.
If you asked the average resident: "Where are you going?",
he or she might reply: "Nowhere, we're now here". The
residents of Happy Valley are living in the moment, in the true "Stay
Awhile" of the here and now. This is the moment (Faust, Part I)
for which the protagonist will gladly sell his soul.
Living in the moment in the archaic theories of public economics, and
translating these into public policy is both an exciting and daunting
task. I began to find a philosophy of hope (the "stay awhile"
philosophy) alternating between transportation regulatory management
responsibilities on which I worked and the Flower (Happy?) Valley
where I lived over the last 15 years, interspersed with living in an
autocracy (Morocco) and Haiti (then an anarchy or kleptocracy). I
began to see a link (or have a vision) between community building,
transportation (road and airport projects) and consequent voyages to
Erehwon (nowhere) which are communicated in this work. I continue to
believe Ereh (here) can be "won" (now) in the "anticipatory
consciousness" and "stay awhile" of the lived moment of
the here and now.
In the way of two concluding notes, this work (in its current form)
was inspired around 1993 by a short paper by Gordon Tullock which he
presented at the Henry Simons Society and later at the Mont Pelerin
Society, entitled "Consent?" Professor Tullock and I share a
common interest in community governance (whether on Sunshine Mountain
or Flower (happy) Valley and transportation networks as well as the
various paths to Erehwon in "a world where our options are
limited and Erehwon is nowhere."
As a "conservative" utopian tract, the work is colored in
the red, white and blue that covered material that I wrote (Private
Enterprise, Urban Policy) or oversaw the preparation of in the Agency
for International Development during the early 1980s. I aspired at
some future time to write my own red, white and blue which covers
(colors) this work. Part I is red, the "red dawning" of the
revolutionary consciousness which is then translated into the more
conservative white of practical application and cold rational
analysis. The eventual blue of evening is a philosophy of hope, and
hopefully of wisdom.
Part
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