Review of the Book
When Histories Collide
by Raymond Crotty
John Hall*
[Reprinted from the American Historical Review,
October, 2004]
* Professor, Department of
Sociology, McGill University, Montreal, Canada
This is a highly original and engaging book, somewhat mad but wholly
convincing on vital issues of the age; it offers nothing less than a
philosophic history of humanity. The author was an Irish farmer turned
statistician, who then became an agricultural economist for
international aid agencies before finishing his career as an economic
historian in Dublin. Earlier works by Raymond D. Crotty offered
striking theses about cattle and about Irish economic history, and
these were flavored by an idiosyncratic mixture of loyalties-to Irish
nationalism, the views of Henry George, and to Third World populism
more generally. Crotty died in 1992, but the ambitious manuscript he
left has now been put into excellent shape by his son, ably abetted by
Lars Mjøset (who offers a fine introduction, helpfully
distinguishing Crotty's views from those whom he might otherwise seem
to resemble).
1. The baseline for the argument is a particular view of life within
agrarian circumstances. The Neolithic Revolution is seen as having
effectively caged human populations within fertile river valleys.
There was no excess land, and so no sense of individual effort given
that a production ceiling had been reached. Accordingly, social life
was profoundly collectivist; private property scarcely existed, making
just about everyone dependent on the larger community. This static
equilibrium has characterized most of the historical record.
2. Change eventually came from the pastoralists of the roof of the
world. Most human beings are lactose intolerant; that is, they become
sick if they consume milk. Adaptation amongst pastoralists led to
lactose tolerance, allowing the possibility of a surplus and personal
capital. However, limits to grazing land meant that no general
evolutionary step was taken. Crotty gives stimulating accounts of the
inability of pastoralist invasions to produce fundamental change
within most of the agrarian world. He describes both the stalemate
between agriculturalists and pastoralists in Africa and China, and the
destruction of Near East civilizations. Fuller accounts are offered of
the uniqueness of the Hindu and Mediterranean worlds, both
evolutionary dead ends due to their respective failures: sanctifying
cows and depending upon slaves.
3. But an evolutionary break did occur at the margins. The forests of
Central Europe were relatively unpopulated, thereby allowing
individuals to generate surpluses through their individual effort. As
early as 2000 B.C. a wholly new form of political economy had emerged,
namely that of individualistic capitalism. The combination of
agriculture and husbandry became ever more effective, allowing for an
accumulating increase in capital and prosperity. Technological
innovations, revolutions in transport, and conquests of foreign lands
enabled Europe to dominate the world.
4. Crotty has a strikingly differentiated view of the impact of the
West on the rest of the world. A first route was that of European
settler societies. Here economic development did occur under the aegis
of individualist capitalism-something made possible, he wryly notes,
as a result of the destruction of native populations. A second route
was at once more common and more disastrous. The application of
individualist capitalism to collectivist societies leads, in Crotty's
view, to nothing less than "undevelopment." Population can
increase, and so, too, can the production of all sorts of commodities
for export. But there is no fit between native institutions and
capitalist individualism, and the result is all too often a
combination of declining nutritional levels for the majority together
with increasing advantage for the very few who effectively act as
agents of the West. The third route stands in contrast to this. Some
societies were never incorporated into European empires. The
possession of their own institutions makes it possible for endogenous
development to take place, in collectivist rather than in
individualistic form. The classic case is Japan, but Crotty's general
point-that institutional autonomy matters-has a great deal of force,
and it applies more widely than is realized.
5. There are problems with Crotty's account. In the last chapters,
Ireland is considered in detail as an exemplar of undevelopment. This
makes little sense now, given the performance of the "Celtic
Tiger" over the last fifteen years. At a more general level,
there is an opportunity/cost to the account. If we benefit from the
reduction of world history to a single set of variables, we lose from
the refusal to take any other factor seriously. But the historical
record has unquestionably been affected by world religions and by
political forms. Still, no one should now write a world history
without coming to terms with this fabulous book.
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