The Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson
By Subject
CONSTITUTION / UNITED STATES / IMPLEMENTATION UNDER LAW
I sincerely rejoice at the acceptance of our new constitution by nine
States. It is a good canvass, on which some strokes only want
retouching. What these are, I think are sufficiently manifested by the
general voice from north to south, which calls for a bill of rights.
It seems pretty generally understood, that this should go to juries,
habeas corpus, standing armies, printing, religion and monopolies. I
conceive there may be difficulty in finding general modifications of
these, suited to the habits of all the States. But if such cannot be
found, then it is better to establish trials by jury, the right of
habeas corpus, freedom of the press and freedom of religion, in all
cases, and to abolish standing armies in time of peace, and monopolies
in all cases, than not to do it In any. The few cases wherein these
things may do evil, cannot be weighed against the multitude wherein
the want of them will do evil. In disputes between a foreigner and a
native, a trial by jury may be improper. But if this exception cannot
be agreed to, the remedy will he to model the jury, by giving the
mediatas linguae, in civil as well as criminal cases. Why
suspend the habeas corpus in insurrections and rebellions? The parties
who may be arrested, may he charged instantly with a well-defined
crime; of course, the judge will remand them. If the public safety
requires that the government should have a man imprisoned on less
probable testimony, in those than in other emergencies, let him be
taken and tried, retaken and retried, while the necessity continues,
only giving him redress against the government, for dam-ages. Examine
the history of England. See how few of the cases of the suspension of
the habeas corpus law, have been worthy of that suspension. They have
been either real treason, wherein the parties might as well have been
charged at once, or sham plots, where it was shameful they should ever
have been suspected. Yet for the few cases wherein the suspension of
the habeas corpus has done real good, that operation is now become
habitual, and the -minds of the nation almost prepared to live under
its constant suspension. A declaration, that the federal government
will never restrain the presses from printing anything they please,
will not take away the liability of the printers for false facts
printed. The declaration, that religious faith shall be unpunished,
does not give impunity to criminal acts, dictated by religious error.
The saying there shall be no monopolies, lessens the incitements to
ingenuity, which is spurred on by the hope of a monopoly for a limited
time, as of fourteen years; but the benefit of even limited monopolies
is too doubtful, to be opposed to that of their general suppression.
If no check can be found to keep the number of standing troops within
safe bounds, while they are tolerated as far as necessary, abandon
them altogether, discipline well the militia, and guard the magazines
with them. More than magazine guards will be useless, if few, and
dangerous, if many. No European nation can ever send against us such a
regular army as we need fear, and it is hard, if our militia are not
equal to those of Canada or Florida. My idea then, is, that though
proper exceptions to these general rules are desirable, and probably
practicable, yet if the exceptions cannot be agreed on, the
establishment of the rules, in all cases, will do ill in very few. I
hope, therefore, a bill of rights will be formed, to guard the people
against the federal government, as they are already guarded against
their State governments, in most instances. The abandoning the
principle of necessary rotation in the Senate, has, I see, been
disapproved by many; in the case of the President, by none. I readily,
therefore, suppose my opinion wrong, when opposed by the majority, as
in the former instance, and the totality, as in the latter. In this,
however, I should have done it with more complete satisfaction, had we
all judged from the same position.
to James Madison, 31 July 1788
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