The Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson
By Subject
PUBLIC OFFICE / DELEGATE TO ANNAPOLIS CONGRESS
On the 6th of the following month, I was appointed by the legislature
a delegate to Congress, the appointment to take place on the 1st of
Novemher ensuing, when that of the existing delegation would expire.
Congress had now become a very small body, and the members very
remiss in their attendance on its duties.
The remissness of Congress, and their permanent session, began to he
a subject of uneasiness; and even some of the legislatures had
recommended to them intermissions, and periodical sessions. As the
Confederation had made no provision for a visible head of the
government, during vacations of Congress, and such a one was necessary
to superintend the executive business, to receive and communicate with
foreign ministers and nations, and to assemble Congress on sudden and
extraordinary emergencies, I proposed, early in April, the appointment
of a committee, to be called the "Committee of the States,"
to consist of a member from each State, who should remain in session
during the recess of Congress: that the functions of Congress should
be divided into executive and legislative, the latter to be reserved,
and the former, by a general resolution, to be delegated to that
Committee. This proposition was afterwards agreed to; a Committee
appointed, who entered on duty on the subsequent adjournment of
Congress, quarrelled very soon, split into two parties, abandoned
their post, and left the government without any visible head, until
the next meeting in Congress. We have since seen the same thing take
place in the Directory of France; and I believe it will forever take
place in any Executive consisting of a plurality. Our plan, best, I
believe, combines wisdom and practicability, by providing a plurality
of Counsellors, but a single Arbiter for ultimate decision.
I was in France when we heard of this schism, and separation of our
Committee, and, speaking with Dr. Franklin of this singular
disposition of men to quarrel, and divide into parties, he gave his
sentiments, as usual, by way of Apologue. He mentioned the Eddystone
lighthouse, in the British channel, as being built on a rock, in the
mid-channel, totally inaccessible in winter, from the boisterous
character of that sea, in that season; that, therefore, for the two
keepers employed to keep up the lights, all provisions for the winter
were necessarily carried to them in autumn, as they could never he
visited again till the return of the milder season; that, on the first
practicable day in the spring, a boat put off to them with fresh
supplies. The boatmen met at the door one of the keepers, and accosted
him with a "How goes it, friend? Very well. How is your
companion? I do not know. Don't know? Is not he here? I can't tell.
Have not you seen him to-day? No. When did you see him? Not since last
fall. You have killed him? Not I, indeed."
They were about to lay hold of him, as having certainly murdered his
companion; but he desired them to go up stairs and examine for
themselves. They went up, and there found the other keeper. They had
quarrelled, it seems, soon after being left there, had divided into
two parties, assigned the cares below to one, and those above to the
other, and had never spoken to, or seen, one another since.
But to return to our Congress at Annapolis. The definitive treaty of
peace which had been signed at Paris on the 3d of September, 1783, and
received here, could not be ratified without a House of nine States.
On the 23d of December, therefore, we addressed letters to the several
Governors, stating the receipt of the definitive treaty; that seven
States only were in attendance, while nine were necessary to its
ratification; and urging them to press on their delegates the
necessity of their immediate attendance.
Our body was little numerous, but very contentious. Day after day was
wasted on the most unimportant questions. A member, one of those
afflicted with the morbid rage of debate, of an ardent mind, prompt
imagination, and copious flow of words, who heard with impatience any
logic which was not his own, sitting near me on some occasion of a
trifling but wordy debate, asked me how I could sir in silence,
hearing so much false reasoning, which a word should refute? I
observed to him, that to refute indeed was easy, but to silence was
impossible; that in measures brought forward by myself, I took the
laboring oar, as was incumbent on me; but that in general, I was
willing to listen; that if every sound argument or objection was used
by some one or other of the numerous debaters, it war enough; if not,
I thought it sufficient to suggest the omission, without going into a
repetition of what had been already said by others: that this Was a
waste and abuse of the time and patience of the House, which could nor
be justified. And I believe, that if the members of deliberate bodies
were to observe this course generally, they would do in a day,. what
takes theta a week; and it is really more questionable, than may at
first be thought, whether Bonaparte's dumb legislature, which said
nothing, and did much, may not be preferable to one which talks much,
and does nothing. I served with General Washington in the legislature
of Virginia, before the revolution, and, during it, with Dr. Franklin
in Congress. I never heard either of them speak ten minutes at a time,
nor to any but the main point, which was to decide the question. They
laid their shoulders to the great points., knowing that the little
ones would follow of themselves. If the present Congress errs in too
much talking, how can it be otherwise, in a body to which the people
send one hundred and fifty lawyers, whose trade it is to question
everything, yield nothing, and talk by the hour? That one hundred and
fifty lawyers should do business together, ought not to be expected.
from Notes for Autobiography, 6 January 1821
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