Review of the Book
The Path to Prosperity
by Gilbert M. Tucker
Joseph Dana Miller
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom,
January-February 1936]
Joseph Dana Miller was during this period
Editor of Land and Freedom. Many of the editorials
published were unsigned. This review is signed by Mr. Miller.
|
Here at last is a book we can recommend without apology or dissent,
practically without qualification of any sort, and with all the
enthusiasm of which we are capable.
On the "jacket" of the book we are told something of its
author whose father was the writer of several books and the editor of
The Country Gentleman, with which the son became associated on
his graduation from Cornell University in 1901. From that time to this
Gilbert M. Tucker has been interested in the teachings of Henry
George, and this work is the ripened fruit of prolonged study and
observation.
It is not easy to review a work in which there is so much that tempts
us to quote. There are wise words in defense of the "profit
motive," against which so many socialistically inclined
professors and well- meaning divines have thundered. To these our
author replies (page 74) as follows:
"Why labor with brains and muscle? Why wear
ourselves out teaching and training? Why lie awake nights, thinking,
planning, working to organize a new industry, to develop a new
process or invent a new tool for mankind? Is not our incentive
nearly always the hope of profit?"
And again:
"And to some of us this expectation of profit is a
far more powerful incentive to achievement than any vague dream of
some hazy social benefit, as conceived and planned by some official."
Mr. Tucker indicates that this incentive may be misdirected. "Any
good quality may be carried to excess." Surveying the practical
side of the question he contrasts the private physician, "frankly
expecting his fee," with the less efficient service of the great
public clinic. It is such considerations as these that are lost sight
of by those who decry the profit motive, and our author presses home
his argument from every angle.
We can picture the sentimental and benevolently sloppy, condemning
the author for his contention that it is no business of government to
regulate wages nor to tax the employing class in the interests of
so-called "social security." Socialists and trade unionists
who obstinately refuse to take the necessary steps to solve both the
wage question and the question of the unemployed will not agree with
Mr. Tucker when he says:
"The sum and substance of it is that the State
cannot justly interfere in the freedom of contract and compel
employers to pay higher wages than conditions justify, or dispense
charitable benefits. The obligations of charity and generosity are
very real obligations but they should not be made compulsory by
mandates of the State."
These are brave utterances in a timid and cowardly world, and we
thank whatever gods there be for the man who stands up and says them.
And this chapter is further enriched by historical analogies and
illustrations. Mr. Tucker shows that unemployment insurance,
especially when such plans involve the taxing of pay rolls, is a
policy which must slow down employment.
On page 99 Mr. Tucker says (under the heading, "Regulating
Business"):
"Not content with various schemes of making the
employer play the combined role of fairy godmother and nursemaid,
not only to his own employees but to the public at large, Uncle Sam
must have his finger in the pie of business management at every
turn, fixing prices, regulating methods, and meddling with every
aspect of trade policy."
It is impossible not to admire the author's pointed thrusts at the
stupid persons in charge of public affairs. What can be better than
this:
"Only two centuries after the Norman Conquest there
was passed The Assize of Bread and Beer, the first statute drawn in
the curious old Bastard Norman-French which displaced Latin. This
was an attempt to set prices on a sliding scale, based on the price
of wheat, and our British progenitors, with typical British
tenacity, kept experimenting with such follies for hundreds of
years, despite the monotonous futility of bucking natural laws.
Apparently the lesson was learned and the fallacious scheme
abandoned, but just when we think we are done with them, they crop
up again with the next generation, determined never to learn by
experience unless it be their own. One wonders sometimes if the
Brain Trust in spite of all its erudition, college degrees and
economic standing, is not a bit rusty on economic history. (Pages
102-103.)
The chapter on "Regulating Business" is full of meat. It
should be read by every business man and by every one who is seeking
relief from oppressive government policies. "There is scarcely a
trade practice that is not in constant danger of some new ruling or
decision," our author tells us. This chapter reviews the many
preposterous interferences with the normal process of industry and
closes with restrained eloquence in a picture detailing the
progressive abandonment of what we have won in a thousand years of
struggle.
The chapter on "Money and Credit" will not find favor with
those who entertain weird notions of the circulating medium, but it is
a very sane contribution to the subject. We can imagine the anger of
this class of thinkers at Mr. Tucker's statement that he would "like
to see the value of the dollar definitely established in terms of gold
by amendment to the Federal Constitution." Such a doctrine is
anathema among those who propound theories of money in which no two
out of a hundred are in agreement. Mr. Tucker's contention that it is
the wealthy interests that profit by the devaluation of the dollar,
and his accompanying demonstration will be new to the loose thinkers
who argue for inflation in the interests of the poor debtor. This Mr.
Tucker makes clear. Nothing can be better than the way this is done.
The chapter on "Government and Law" carries us into higher
fields of thought, and in Chapter XIII, which is entitled "The
Land Privilege" he approaches the problem on which all these
minor problems rest. Here he says:
"The outstanding instance of the perpetuation of
privilege is our recognition of private property in what should be
the heritage of all."
Unlike so many writers of the day who, deriving their economics from
Henry George fall into the fashion of belittling him on some minor
point, our author acknowledges his indebtedness to Progress and
Poverty and lists the names of prominent Americans who are
similarly indebted. This is refreshing in one who has made so
important a contribution to the subject.
In Chapter xiv Mr. Tucker deals with the practical aspect of the
remedy. In his definitions he treads ground familiar to most of us and
no fault can be found with his treatment. It is essentially
unassailable.
In his chapters on "Corporations and Utilities" he
approaches more controversial grounds. To give it fair treatment would
require more space than we can devote. With the degree of caution that
is necessary for their consideration our author nevertheless argues
for regulation that will avoid the abuses which have grown painfully
familiar to us. He is not afraid of the cry of socialism that may
greet his recommendations, for he reminds us that "no principle
is involved." It simmers down to questions of expediency and the
adequate protection of the public, and he stops far short, as we
should expect, of government ownership or public operation. His
arguments against the assumption of the "utilities" by the
State are effectively marshaled. Our author lays down the kind and
degree of regulation he would recommend, and here he has some sharp
things to say of public accounting in the business operations of
government.
The chapter on "Taxation" is alone worth the price of the
book. No one has written more effectively on the subject. If the
author cannot restrain his indignation and contempt for the wiles of
the politician and the dumbness of the average citizen it is a
reaction which most of us who have any knowledge at all of the subject
will share. In this chapter Mr. Tucker has made what we regard as an
original contribution put forth with much clarity. There is so much
that is quotable that we hesitate at appropriate instances like the
following which might be indefinitely extended:
"The writer will freely concede that until we have
the brains to take for public use the rent that belongs to us, and
as long as we support government by the confiscation of private
property, the ability to pay theory of taxation is not to be
entirely discredited; if we must support government by theft, let us
at least steal from those who can best afford the losses."
We might, if we choose, take exceptions to some of the arguments
advanced under the chapter headed "The Privilege of Inheritance."
We are so convinced of the right of property as a sacred right that we
would extend such right even to its disposal at time of death. But we
are content to leave the problems involved to the reader of this
remarkable book, for the author confesses that they must be solved by
compromise and judgment, for "here things are not sharply black
and white." It seems to us that fortunes left by inheritance are
frequently dissipated, more frequently than not we think, and so no
harm is done to society but only to the individual, and again if there
is a chance, as there always is, of its being placed to profitable
use, and thus benefiting society, public policy might well dictate the
leaving of inheritances to find their level. But even in this chapter
it will be well for the reader to carefully consider the suggestions
that are advanced as a study of the question rather than positive
solutions.
The chapter on "Privilege and Labor" will be found
difficult doctrine for organized labor, yet it is true in every word.
The chapter on "A Programme" is our programme, definitely
and conservatively stated.
In Chapter xxn, "The Prospect," the author advances into
the question of ethics and concludes, this being the last chapter, as
follows:
"Those who seek enlightment on some of the purely
personal relations of ethics and economics may well read that
unfinished and comparatively little known fragment of Robert Louis
Stevenson's 'Lay Morals' a bit upsetting but so is much worthwhile
literature; and there is another book, especially valuable if one
will read it without prejudice or seeking to ease his conscience by
twisting its teachings and seeking there only metaphors and
analogies; it was written by a man named Luke nearly two thousand
years ago."
Thus ends this very valuable contribution to our philosophy. It is
written with splendid clarity. It is the book of a decade; no one can
read it without profit. It supports the accepted teachings of Henry
George and stands on the shelf side by side with the few which
constitute permanent additions to the philosophy of freedom.
|