Forty Years of the Struggle for Freedom
Charles Joseph Smith
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom,
January-February 1941]
As Viewed in the Pages of Land and Freedom
1901! A new century the amazing Twentieth Century. The United States
was rapidly becoming a great world power, with possessions overseas,
and unprecedented industrial expansions. The McKinley administration
had ushered in a period of that sort of "prosperity" against
which Henry George had warned. Monopolies and trusts were in the
ascendant. The shadows of Standard Oil and United States Steel
dominated the national scene.
Throughout the world there was ferment and unrest. In Europe, Asia,
everywhere, old forms were crumbling. The people were awakening.
Equality was struggling against inequality.
In the midst of these world affairs, a new social reform was striving
valiantly to bring its message to a long suffering humanity. It was
the movement to which Henry George gave memorable impetus the struggle
for freedom free land, free trade, free men. This trinity was entering
a new phase in the evening of the Gilded Age. Its foremost apostle had
passed away only a few years before, and now it was confronted with a
critical test of survival. The brave workers in the cause faced the
turn of the century with an enthusiasm unabated and with a conviction
unshaken.
The Founding of the Review
Among the leaders of the Henry George movement who were carrying on
the struggle in various ways political, propagandistic, educational
was Joseph Dana Miller. A figure already respected in the literary
world, Miller chose to enlist as a full-time worker in the Georgeist
cause rather than merely bask in the more comfortable fame of belles
lettres.
Miller came to see the need of unity in the movement or something
that would rally together the many workers in all the diverse fields
of endeavor, and demonstrate to themselves, as well as to the world,
that they were severally engaged in the same noble task of
establishing the reign of natural law in the economic world.
With this in mind Joseph Dana Miller founded in 1901 the journal
which now bears the name of LAND AND FREE- DOM. It was originally
styled the SINGLE TAX REVIEW. (The Georgeist reform in those days was
commonly known as the "single tax".) The REVIEW commenced as
a quarterly. Vol. 1, No. 1 appeared in the Summer of 1901. The
subtitle of the magazine was "A Record of the Progress of Single
Tax and Tax Reform Throughout the World." In his Publisher's
Notes, Miller wrote: "We believe the REVIEW will demonstrate its
reason for being; that it is the best propaganda medium now published,
and that it is worthy of general support."
The contents of Vol.1, No. 1 were fairly indicative of the field the
REVIEW was to cover for the years to come. Among the items were the
following:
- The story of Tom L. Johnson's brave fight for municipal reform
and single tax as the newly-elected mayor of Cleveland;
- An account, by Lawson Purdy, of a Conference on Taxation held
at Buffalo, composed of delegates appointed by the Governors of
the States;
- An obituary, by Henry George, Jr., of James A. Herne, the
famous playwright and actor, and author of the highly successful
play, "Shore Acres," which incorporated Georgeist
principles;
- A hitherto unpublished letter from Leo Tolstoy, in which the
great Russian writer said: "Henry George composed a
multiplication table clear, universally comprehensible,
irrefutable. He has done his work. Let those who can put it in
practice do their part. One thing is certain; as those who desire
to make calculations cannot avoid the multiplication table so also
those who desire to organize the social life of mankind on juster
foundations will not be able to avoid Henry George's plan, and
will take it as their basis."
There were also reports of the activities of Georgeists throughout
the country, state by state, and throughout the world, country by
country.
Here at last was a medium for the Henry George movement throughout
the world. As such a medium, the REVIEW was to keep a universal record
of the progress of the single tax everywhere progressive legislation,
the activities of Georgeists, interpretations of significant current
events, explanations of the philosophy for newcomers, theoretical and
controversial discussions, recommendations for the conduct of
Georgeist activities and for the advance of the movement.
The Status of the Movement
There was optimism in the ranks of Georgeists in those early days
optimism and determined effort. They saw their ideas spreading, many
great men espousing the cause, advancing legislation throughout the
world. It seemed that success was in sight. Hamlin Russell wrote in
the REVIEW in 1902 : "We have the right ; more than that, it is
our bounden duty to claim victory, full and complete." From
Denmark, Sophus Berthelson wrote: "We can plainly mark a growing
comprehension among all classes of society, of the great social
importance of our doctrines." In 1905 Louis F. Post testified
that the movement was making great strides. He acclaimed the present "progress
in the minds and hearts of the masses of the people" as compared
with the more "ebullient times of George and McGlynn" when
the masses were more astounded than understanding.
In New York, Lawson Purdy was carrying on the fight to separate the
assessment of land from improvements, and rode to victory. In Chicago,
a newly formed Single Tax Party was thrice put on the ballot and
doubled its votes successively. In Colorado, Senator Bucklin was
campaigning for the "Australasian Tax System." In the United
States Congress, Robert Baker was staunchly speaking for tax reform.
In Ohio, Tom L. Johnson was carrying his struggle against special
privilege.
In China Dr. W. E. Macklin, missionary, was collaborating with Dr.
Sun Yat Sen in translating Georgeist literature into Chinese for
spreading the doctrines in that country. In Switzerland Oscar Schar
reported that the land monopolists "found us more dangerous even
than the Social Democrats, who looked towards an indefinite future for
their hopes whereas our reform could have been easily and
instantaneously put into practice." Danish Georgeists were
increasing their strength in Parliament, and a new Danish Henry George
League was spreading its influence. In Russia, Tolstoy was observing
the general unrest, and urging Single Tax as the only measure that
would save that country from revolution.
England gave encouraging signs of progress. John Paul reported that
many English leaders, such as Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, Winston
Churchill, Lord Asquith and others, were declaring themselves in favor
of land value taxation. "Our question is at the very door of
Parliament here," wrote Paul, "We have a knowledge of the
political situation, know the constituencies, what can be done and
what ought to be done." In Australia and New Zealand, tax reform
was under way. Many municipalities in both countries provided for the
exemption of improvements and a higher rate on land values.
To the nucleus of leaders in the Henry George movement, however, it
was clear that there were numerous thorny roads ahead, much
heart-breaking toil, and many disappointments to be suffered.
Constantly in the SINGLE TAX REVIEW appeared "the clarions of the
battle" admonitions to Georgeists to pull together for the great
work, plans and recommendations for the future of the movement.
Naturally there were disagreements as to the best course to take, and
unfortunately there were splits. There were those who advocated
working with the major political parties; and there were those who
advocated independent political action. There were leaders who
asserted that the reform must be presented as a practical fiscal
reform; and there were others who insisted on presenting the
philosophy in its full strength. Some advocated cooperating with
liberals and radicals and socialists ; others opposed this, and
insisted that socialists must be openly condemned.
The pages of the REVIEW were open to all these different ideas.
Miller stood for free and open discussion on all questions. He was a
true democrat. But he hoped that sufficient agreement would come out
of them to unite all Single Taxers into one great organization.
The advocates of cooperation with the major parties chose the
Democratic label. J. B. Vining reported in 1903 that "the Single
Taxers of Ohio have gone on, step by step, until today the entire
Democratic organization is thoroughly permeated with their influence."
Edward T. Weeks, who proposed independent political action, asked
these questions: "1st -- Where Single Taxers are free to organize
politically, can they vote with parties which favor the ownership of
land, without themselves incurring moral guilt? 2nd - Should our
political work be governed by moral principle or by mere seeming
expediency?" There was a storm over these questions, and the
majority of Single Taxers appeared to be in favor of independent
political action. However, nothing substantial was done for some time.
There were other views. "The Single Tax at present," wrote
Jane Dearborn Mills, "is an educational work. How to make our
organizations strong for the educating of the world is the vital
question, until we can put the system into practical exercise."
There was a flood of different proposals, and a great number of
organizations. A summer resort on single tax lines was conceived. A
single tax colony near a great metropolis was suggested. A Single Tax
Information Bureau was started in 1903. It printed and distributed
60,000 pieces of literature. There was a Henry George Class of
Economics in 1906. There were many lecture bureaus. And such orators
as John Z. White, James Morton, and Frederick Monroe toured the
country on speaking engagements.
One of the important organizations was the Massachusetts Single Tax
League, under the direction of Charles B. Fillebrown. In 1902 the
League gave a banquet to college professors and economists for the
purpose of bringing them together to agree or disagree on certain
phases of Georgeist doctrines. Among the points submitted to the
professors were the following: A tax upon ground rent cannot be
shifted ; the selling value of land is reduced by the tax that is paid
upon it ; ground rent is what land is worth for use. Most were
recorded in the affirmative. Among the professors were T. N. Carver,
E. R. A. Seligman, C. J. Bullock and G. S. Callender.
Every so often in the REVIEW would appear a summation of the progress
and status of the movement. Miller was convinced the reform was making
headway. His chief recommendation was that there be a national
organization and fuller cooperation among all the workers in various
fields.
Controversies
In 1904 Louis F. Post said:
"The SINGLE TAX REVIEW is coming rapidly to justify
its mission as the organ of the movement whose name it has adopted.
It collects with considerable fullness the news of the movement as
an organ should, and is as interesting as well, which organs
sometimes fail to be."
Among the many factors that made the REVIEW interesting were the
various doctrinal controversies, often exciting, that appeared
therein. It was quite natural that the Georgeists who had a "bone
to pick" should turn to columns of the REVIEW as their
mouthpiece. From the earliest days, there were perennial discussions
on the interest question, single tax and socialism, public ownership
versus taxation, and more obscure doctrinal points.
The earliest controversy in the REVIEW on the interest question took
place in 1904. It started with a criticism of Henry George's theory of
interest by Joseph Faidy, a young New Orleans Georgeist. Mr. Faidy
claimed that "interest exists on account of the opportunity of
investing capital in land," and that it would disappear in a free
social order. This article brought such an avalanche of replies, both
in agreement and disagreement, that Miller was obliged to devote a
large part of a subsequent issue to a symposium on the question. Among
the contributors to this discussion were such prominent writers as
Lewis H. Berens, Michael Flurscheim, Byron Holt, James Love, and Dr.
S. Solis-Cohen.
In an editorial preface to the symposium, Miller disposed of the
interest question in these syllogistic terms:
"Interest is either natural, or it is not. If it is
not, it will disappear under the reign of natural law which the
Single Tax will inaugurate. But if it is natural, then it will
persist, and its persistence will wrong no one. In the rule of
economic freedom all laws are beneficent."
Another controversy that raged in the pages of the REVIEW was
concerned with the Fairhope colony. Fairhope operated in some measure
on single tax principles. An article appeared in the REVIEW
criticizing Fairhope as a "semi-socialistic" scheme. Feeling
ran high on this indictment, and the question was debated: Is Fairhope
representative of Single Tax? Miller, as usual, allowed all sides to
have their say, and he was criticized severely for this policy.
Partisans of Fairhope ceased to give the REVIEW their support. Of one
of these, Mr. Miller wrote: "We are sorry to lose Mr _ as a
subscriber, but if the price of his remaining on the list of our
friends is suppression and silence we must perforce part with him,
not, however, without regret that so good a friend of the cause should
take this view of the matter." And again: "Both sides shall
be heard until this unhappy controversy is disposed of."
Another article that evoked a storm was Peter Aitken's "The
Chief Obstacle to the Single Tax and How to Remove It". As a
matter of abstract principle, said Mr. Aitken said landowners are not
entitled to compensation, but as a practical matter, the question of
compensation should be considered. The volume of replies required
space in the REVIEW for another symposium.
There were many similar questions freely and openly discussed in the
SINGLE TAX REVIEW. No debatable subject went without a flood of
replies. Mr. Miller allowed all them have a voice. The REVIEW was
proving itself an indispensable mouthpiece of the movement.
Conferences, Organizations, Politics
In 1908 a National Single Tax Conference was held, at which a
nation-wide organization was founded. It was the American Single Tax
League, and Bolton Hall was elected president. The REVIEW was adopted
as the official medium of the League. (At this time the editor found
it propitious to change the REVIEW from a quarterly to a bimonthly.
Its frequency has since remained unchanged (to this day it is a
bi-monthly). The League secured its own headquarters, and engaged in
propaganda work and there it seems to have petered out.
There was an important series of conferences sponsors by the Joseph
Fels Commission. The leaders of this Con mission were Joseph Fels
himself, Frederic C. Howe, Lincoin Steffens, Bolton Hall and Daniel
Kiefer. At a conference in 1910, the Commission decided to devote its
resources to political action. A plan for a land tax campaign in
Oregon was worked out, with Hon. W. S. U'Ren as the leader. The
campaign was conducted with determination and it alarmed the
entrenched interests to such an extent that they formed anti-single
tax leagues, and with the help of a controlled press launched a
desperate counter-drive. The Single Tax measures were defeated, but
Georgeists, encouraged by the near-success of their efforts, engaged
other campaigns. A Single Tax Bill was introduced in New York State.
California had land-value-tax legislative proposals. A Land Value Tax
Party was formed.
In England, Georgeists were fervent over the famous budget debates of
1909-1910 in Parliament. Winston Churchill and Lloyd George presented
a bill for the taxation land values. The House of Lords fought
furiously and finally defeated it. In 1910 the Danish peasants rose
very organized, and demanded uncompromisingly "Equal rights for
all, the taxation of land values, complete free trade and special
privileges for none."
The Joseph Fels Conference of 1914, reported in the REVIEW, gave
evidence of progress along political lines. The city of Everett, in
Washington, voted for a single tax amendment but its validity was
questioned in the courts.
There was a campaign in Pueblo, Colorado, led by George J. Knapp,
taking advantage of the home rule amendment, to secure tax-exemption
of improvements. There were campaigns in Oregon, Missouri and
California. Henry George, Jr., newly elected Congressman from New
York, told of the movement in the District of Columbia to secure 100%
valuation of land and to extend the number and power of assessors. The
nation's capital was particularly a hot-bed of land speculation.
Special Numbers
During the years 1911 - 1913, Mr. Miller published several "Special
Numbers" of the REVIEW, devoted to Georgest reform in different
countries.
The issue for May-June 1911 was a "Vancouver Special Number."
Vancouver, in British Columbia, Canada, was proclaimed to be "the
first Single Tax city in the world." D. Taylor, Mayor of
Vancouver, wrote on the results of the Single Tax in his city, and
pointed out the stimulating effects due to removal of taxes on
buildings and industry.
The September-October 1911 issue was an "Edmonton and Grain
Growers Number." The city of Edmonton in Alberta, Canada, was
praised as the "freest city in America." In a feature
article by Wm. Short, ex-mayor of Edmonton, the application of the
Single Tax in Edmonton is discussed. The Grain Growers of Canada were
also featured. The Farmers' Association of Alberta, Saskatchewan and
Manitoba, declared themselves strongly in favor of land value
taxation.
The March-April 1912 issue was a "Special Number for Germany."
It featured the work of Adolf Damaschke, head of the German
Bodenreform League. Poultney Bigeow, a close friend of Kaiser Wilhelm,
praised the Kaiser as an advanced socialist who had studied
Progress and Poverty, and initiated a measure of Single Tax
principle in the German province of Kiao-Chow in China. Many noted
German professors wrote for this special number, on various phases of
the land question in Germany. Among them: Dr. Karl Tolenske on "Land
Tax or Nationalization of Mortgages", which latter course the
Doctor advocated or Germany's particular case; Dr. Adolf Wagner on "Economic
Science and the Unearned Increment Tax"; Dr. F. [unreadable]khar
on "The Nationalization of Water Power"; and Dr. W.
Schrameier on the status of the land reform movement n the Empire.
The September-October 1912 issue appeared as a "New Zealand
Special Number." It gave a full and detailed acount of the
history and progress toward Single Tax in legislation, how the people
gained control of the legislature, and the status of the Henry George
movement in that country. In New Zealand the United Labor Party was
the political force which was most instrumental in securing the Single
Tax advances.
The issue for January-February 1913 was a "Great Britain Special
Number." It presented the story of the famous budget fights in
Parliament, the movement for municipal land value taxation, and the
Georgeist movement in England and Scotland. The Members of Parliament
at that time who stood for land value taxation (known as "the
land values group") were Francis Neilson, Josiah Wedgwood,
Alexander Ure, R. L. Outhwaite, Peter W. Raffan, E. G. Hemmerde, Henry
George Chancellor and James Dundas White. (Today the land values bloc
comprises fifty M. P.'s.)
The November-December 1913 issue came out as a "New York City
Special Number." It included a long and fascinating article "The
Romance of New York Real Estate," by Joseph Dana Miller; it was a
history of the land deals and the rise of land values in New York.
Frederic C. Leubuscher wrote for this issue the exciting story of
Henry George's mayoralty campaign of 1886. The interesting history of
the Manhattan Single Tax Club was also presented; and biographies of
the many Georgeist workers in New York appeared.
Many extra thousands of these special numbers were printed for wide
distribution. They were indeed impressive documents and must have done
much to spread Single Tax influence.
The War Years: 1914-1918
The world conflict which opened in 1914 was indeed the most
disastrous the world had ever witnessed. Yet it did not enter the
daily lives of people to the extent that the present struggle does.
And it does not seem to have interfered seriously with Georgeist
activities, though there was some abatement. In the January- February
1915 issue of the REVIEW appeared a list of Single Tax organizations
and periodicals, which covered two pages. Toward the end of 1918,
greater organizations and more daring projects were conceived than
were ever before attempted.
As to the war itself, Miller took an editorial stand, from the
beginning of the conflict, in behalf of the Allies. He was not
deceived by the high-sounding phrases of the propagandists, and he
indeed saw that the matter required an economic solution; but he saw
Germany as an aggressor nation committing immoral acts, and he saw the
war as a struggle basically, though vaguely between despotism and
democracy.
In 1914 a New York State Single Tax League was formed, which held a
Conference at Buffalo (reported in the September-October 1914 REVIEW).
This Conference was notable in that there were outstanding
recommendations offered for the conduct of the movement. Mary Boise
Ely proposed working among college students, since their minds were as
yet open and untrammeled. Prof. Lewis H. Clark suggested a compact
organization, patterned after political organizations, but devoted to
educational work. The organization, he said, should be democratically
run, with a constitution, committees and chairmen.
At this Conference, Oscar H. Geiger also spoke, proposing an
educational program in the form of "reading circles." This
is the earliest record of Geiger's utterance on the subject, and it is
remarkable in its completeness. "Fundamental social betterment,"
said Geiger, "to be lasting, must come in response to a demand
from the people, and the people must understand before they can demand
... It is proper for us to try to get whatever measure of justice we
can by such legal enactments as with the present state of the public
mind we are able to obtain, but we must not delude ourselves into
believing that merely direct effort toward legislation in the people's
present state of mind will secure fundamental justice . . . This
accepted, there remains only the selection of effective methods of
educating the people. There are many ways, most are expensive, while
many are fraught with the requirement of undue effort, and therefore
wasted energy."
The method he offered was that of study groups. The whole educational
program, as later exemplified in the Henry George School of Social
Science that he was to found, was worked out fully. The idea aroused
much interest, and was followed up with action. Reading circles were
organized throughout New York State. However, the project did not
continue to flourish.
1916 was the year of the first Great Adventure in California. This
was a campaign to secure a Single Tax amendment in that state. Luke
North was the leader; he and his fellow-workers conducted a whirlwind
campaign. But, as usual, the opposition countered with all its
resources and the amendment was killed. There was another Great
Adventure in 1918, which was also defeated. Luke North died shortly
after.
A Conference was held at Niagara in 1916, at which an independent
Single Tax political party was proposed. We can imagine the heat with
which the proposal was discussed from what Miller wrote: "We may
regret that the policy of independent party action had not been
discussed in a calmer frame and a more philosophic mood. There are
reasons for a party and there are reasons against it that were not
heard by the Conference at all." At any rate, it would appear
that the idea of a political party was germinating.
In November 1916, the fourth Conference of the New York State Single
Tax League was held, at the University of Syracuse. It was the first
time a Single Tax Conference was held within University walls. The
economics course at the University of Syracuse was notable in that the
four or live hundred students of that subject devoted six weeks to the
study of Henry George.
The SINGLE TAX REVIEW changed its format in 1918, to the present one.
Mr. Miller submitted to his readers the question whether the magazine
should also be converted into a monthly but the vote was
overwhelmingly in favor of keeping it a bi-monthly. In his editorial
notes on the new appearance of the journal, he wrote: "The
REVIEW, now, as in the past, will give the tax reform features of the
movement . . . But the goal set out for the Single Tax shall be the
goal constantly before our readers To Free Natural Opportunities and
Industrial Enterprise from all Tribute . . . The REVIEW will give its
undeviating support to the Single Tax Party movement, and will
encourage the formation of Party Organizations in every State, for a
test of its principles at the polls. We have witnessed the utter
collapse of all forms of Single Tax organization. For educational as
well as political purposes Party Organization gives the fullest
promise of cohesion and progress. The REVIEW will therefore endeavor
to enlist the now hesitant body of our believers into an Army for
Political Action."
Thus the REVIEW gave notice to the world on two points it stood for
the Georgeist philosophy in all its strength, and not in any diluted
form ; and it stood for a determined united effort on the part of all
believers to lead the Georgeist reform to success.
Independent Party Action
The independent political action movement was taken up
enthusiastically by a great number of Georgeists. There were many,
however, who were indifferent, and others who even opposed the idea;
but enough were in favor of it to form successful party organizations
in many States. By the end of 1918, the Single Tax Party had
organizations in half the States of the Union.
This Party movement was an outstanding milestone in the progress of
our reform. It marked the close of an era of attempting to work with
the major political parties, particularly the Democratic. There had
been nothing but disappointment in that policy. Miller called it "one
phase of Single Taxers' activities for two or three decades, a phase
now demonstrably a failure and approaching an inglorious close."
Henceforth the Georgeist movement was to be more clearcut. It was to
build up its own resources for the spreading of its philosophy and
reform.
During 1918 there were various State-wide Party Campaigns. In the New
York State Campaign, Joseph Dana Miller was the unanimous choice of
the Party for Governor. In 1919 Miller made an impassioned plea for a
united nation-wide Party campaign. He wrote: "Great God! We are
the torch-bearers of an economic world-gospel! We bring balm for the
healing of the nations, a message for the oppressed, a new Magna
Charta of emancipation for mankind. If rejected, Leagues of Nations,
covenants of peoples, are veritable 'scraps of paper.' Again autocracy
will challenge the political democracies that even now are shaken by
internal revolutions. Again the Man on Horseback, a pinchbeck
Hohenzollern or a real Napoleon, will over-ride the world. Again on
dying democracies, by power of cannon and shot and shell a modern
Tamerlane will seek to fatten." This dire and remarkable "prophecy"
is reminiscent of Henry George's immortal words in
Progress and Poverty. Miller was in dead earnest.
The plea for a national campaign bore fruit. A national Convention of
the Single Tax Party was held. They decided to enter the 1920 general
election with a platform and candidates of their own. James Robinson
was appointed National Organizer; Robert Macauley, National Chairman;
and Joseph Dana Miller, National Secretary. For once Georgeists all
over the country were united in a nationwide venture.
The Single Tax Party decided to hold their 1920 Convention in Chicago
the city where the Farmer-Labor Party and the Committee of Forty-Eight
were also convening. This latter was a group of liberals, malcontents,
and radicals of all sorts and shades, brought together from the
forty-eight states (hence the name) by a wealthy man who hoped to have
them agree on a single platform, acceptable to all liberals. The
Single Taxers had a reason for choosing the same locale as the
Committee of Forty-Eight. They proposed to attend the Forty-Eight
convention, and attempt to swing it over to a pure Single Tax
platform.
It was a dramatic moment when the Single Taxers entered the
Forty-Eight Convention hall. There were only about fifty of them, but
as they entered the hall where five hundred indeterminate "reformers"
were wrangling, the Committee leaders regarded this small group with
apprehension. Here was a band who knew what they wanted, and were
determined.
After endless wrangling, the Single Taxers, by sheer force of
fighting their way through the mob, obtained a hearing. They read
their platform, which was vociferously seconded. Confusion followed,
and the Single Taxers were on the point of losing their case, when in
an inspiring strategy they forced the Chairman to recognize their
speaker. He was Oscar Geiger. He proceeded to pour forth an
impassioned and inspiring speech for the Single Tax, which brought
down the house. The Single Tax platform was unanimously adopted by
that great crowd. But the Committee leaders, who insisted on playing
politics, sought to effect a merger between the Committee of
Forty-Eight and the Farmer-Labor Party. They marched over to the
latter's convention hall and that was the last of them. They were
swallowed up by the larger party and the Single Tax platform was lost.
Disgusted by this loose game of politics, the Single Taxers went
ahead with their own Party convention adopted the platform, voted on
resolutions, nominated candidates. But they had won the respect of the
liberals. "You men have a sense of solidarity," said Amos
Pinchot to them. The Single Tax Presidential candidate was Robert
Macauley, and the candidate for Vice President was Richard C. Bar-
num. The Party succeeded in getting on the ballot of twenty-four
states. In the national election, the Single Tax vote was not huge,
but was encouraging enough to arouse a desire for more national
campaigns.
In England, many Georgeists were coming to the same conclusion as the
American Georgeists that it was futile to attempt cooperation with the
major political parties, and that the only hope was in independent
party action. An International Single Tax Conference was held at
Oxford in 1923. There was intense discussion as to the value of
attempting to work through the Liberal and Labor Parties, after so
many years of disappointing stalemates, despite the presence of
several courageous Georgeist Members of Parliament. There was a split
between those who favored working with the present political set-up
for whatever advances could be secured, and those who advecated an
independent party to stand for the Georgeist reform in its fullness.
The result was the founding of the Commonwealth Land Party, led by
Graham Peace.
In America, the Single Tax Party decided to enter the national
election of 1924. At their convention, Oscar Geiger urged the group to
change the name of the Party, since the term "single tax"
was a misnomer, and did not suggest all the implications of the
Georgeist philosophy of freedom. The name of the Party was thereupon
changed to the same as that of their English colleagues the
Commonwealth Land Party. At the same time (January 1924) the SINGLE
TAX REVIEW changed its name to LAND AND FREEDOM.
The 1924 candidates were William J. Wallace for President, and John
C. Lincoln for Vice-President. The candidates spoke at schools, forums
and clubs, and received a good deal of press notice. The vote this
time was not formidable, but Georgeists are not easily discouraged.
However, this was to be the last nation-wide Single Tax campaign.
Fellow Travellers
A number of famous men, prominent in the political, civic,
educational and literary worlds, have endorsed the Georgeist
philosophy in one way or another. While these men may perhaps not be
termed "Georgeists" in the full sense of the word, they have
been "fellow travellers." Accepting Louis F. Post, Joseph
Fels, Tom L. Johnson and Samuel Seabury as true followers of George,
let us glance at some of our other friends through the pages of the
SINGLE TAX REVIEW and LAND AND FREEDOM.
John Dewey, America's foremost philosopher, has often praised Henry
George as a great social philosopher. His famous remark on George is
quoted on the masthead page of this issue.
Hamlin Garland, the ''dean of American letters," was a friend of
Henry George, and in the early days appeared often at Georgeist
gatherings. At a dinner given in his honor by the Manhattan Single Tax
Club, he said: "Today our numbers are legion. The principles
enunciated by Mr. George are being applied in a dozen adroit ways; not
as 'Single Tax measures,' but under other names. Of this we do not
complain. All we ask is to see the work done."
Edwin Markham, beloved American poet, was also often present at
Georgeist meetings. His "Man With the Hoe" was reviewed by
Joseph Dana Miller the first review to appear in the East.
Elbert Hubbard, the famous Roycrofter and author of the "Scrapbook,"
was deeply impressed by George, and published a brilliant essay on
George's life and teachings. His "Scrapbook" also contains
one of Joseph Dana Miller's outstanding pieces of verse, "A Hymn
of Hate," in which the horrors of War are decried.
We have already spoken of Leo Tolstoy. As the years went on, Tolstoy
was becoming more and more convinced that the Georgeist reform was the
salvation of civilization. George Bernard Shaw has from time to time
acknowledged the influence of Henry George on his own ideas. He
asserts that this influence was responsible for the founding of the
Fabian Society. Of course, Shaw and the Fabians, while acclaiming
George, would say "he didn't go far enough."
Many others prominent in the world of letters have endorsed George's
views. Brand Whitlock embraced the Georgeist doctrine. Opie Read, the
famous novelist, declared himself in favor of Georgeist reform in an
interview reported in the REVIEW. Herbert D. Quick, another famous
author, endorsed the philosophy, and his last article was written for
the REVIEW. Frederic C. Howe and Lincoln Steffens, it has been noted,
worked with the Joseph Fels Commission. Helen Keller, Kathleen Norris
and many other writers have accepted the truths expounded by Henry
George.
In the field of politics, many English statesmen were influenced by
George during the first decade of the twentieth century when the
English government "declared war on poverty." Outstanding
among the measures proposed was land value taxation, endorsed by Lord
Asquith, Winston Churchill, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and Lloyd
George. A later fellow traveller was Philip Snowden, Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
In America, Supreme Court Justice Louis D. Brandeis was deeply
interested in Henry George. He requested M. N. Norwalk to translate
for the SINGLE TAX REVIEW an article on the land question in
Palestine, written in Yiddish. Woodrow Wilson seems to have been
interested in George. Louis F. Post testifies that Wilson always kept
a copy of "Progress and Poverty" on his desk. Col. George W.
Goethals, engineer-in-chief of the Panama Canal, was a whole-hearted
Georgeist. Surgeon General William C. Gorgas, the medical supervisor
of the Panama Canal, declared that most medical problems were due to
poverty, and that the solution to poverty was the Single Tax. Herbert
Bigelow and Newton D. Baker declared themselves Single Taxers, but
said "it is a matter for the future." Albert Einstein, world
famous physicist, acknowledges his indebtedness to Henry George for
the latter's beautiful synthesis of natural laws.
Henri Lambert, noted Belgian economist, was particularly impressed by
Henry George's views on free trade. At the close of the World War he
wrote an article for the SINGLE TAX REVIEW on "The Way to
Salvation an Economic Peace." In it he said : "The only
remaining chance of salvation for civilization lies in the
preservation by England, and the adoption by Germany, France and the
United States, of a policy of international economic freedom and
morality."
One of the most interesting figures of a couple of decades ago was
Raymond Robins, brilliant lecturer, official and unofficial ambassador
to many countries. Mr. Robins reported to Joseph Dana Miller an
interview he had with Nikolai Lenin, leader of the newly formed Soviet
Union. Robins asked Lenin why he did not apply the taxation of land
values. Lenin replied : "The proper application of the Georgean
taxation of land values is a tax on the mentality of a people and
beyond the capacity of a nation not ten percent of whom have learned
to read. They cannot understand it. They can only understand socialism
at present. Some day, with a higher average intelligence, we may adopt
the taxation of land values and enjoy economic freedom, but not now."
Samuel Gompers, founder and first president of the American
Federation of Labor, was a close friend of Henry George. However, in
an issue of the SINGLE TAX REVIEW (1922), Joseph Dana Miller
criticized Gompers for publicly offering palliatives for the solution
of the economic problem, such as public works, and not mentioning the
Georgeist reform as the real solution. Gompers replied to this
criticism as follows : "I have declared and now say that I am a
Single Taxer. I believe the Single Tax to be the most practical,
effective and generally advantageous tax which can be imposed, but you
take me to task because in my article on 'Abolish Unemployment' I did
not declare for the Single Tax as a remedy for Unemployment. All I
need say in reply is that the organized labor movement cannot wait for
the establishment of the Single Tax system to have our unemployed
workmen at work."
In reply to Gompers, Mr. Miller pointed out that the Single Tax had
been on the ballot in Oregon and California with many hundreds of
thousands of votes; but "it does not appear from the records that
Mr. Gompers was impelled to add his enormous influence to increase the
vote in these States, yet had he done so, and kept at it, the movement
would by this time have been much further advanced than his own
program of public works ... If Mr. Gompers sees the truth as Single
Taxers see it, it is his duty to announce it publicly, to proclaim it
bravely."
In 1929, Mr. Miller disclosed that Princess Alice of Greece was
deeply interested in the Georgeist principles. In an interview, Mrs.
Fiske Warren quoted the Greek princess as saying, "A tax on the
value of land leads to an open opportunity for every one who works."
Princess Alice was collaborating with Pavlos Giannelia (now our French
correspondent) in translating Georgeist literature into Greek.
Joseph Dana Miller, the Writer
As we have said, Joseph Dana Miller was greatly respected in the
literary world. His style was commended for its pure, simple and
rounded quality. His clarity of expression, his mastery of the English
language, and his keen comments in both verse and prose, won for him
the reputation of being the greatest writer, next to Henry George, in
the movement.
Miller was sought after by leading periodicals, here and abroad.
Among the articles he wrote for magazines were the following: "The
Fallacious Doctrine of Work," Valley Magazine; "Theodore
Roosevelt and Tom L. Johnson a Contrast," The Arena; "The
Income Tax," Belford's Magazine; "The Difficulties of
Democracy," International Journal of Ethics (Miller considered
this his best article. Louis Adamic praises it highly in "My
America".); "The Single Tax and American Municipalities,"
National Municipal Review; "Has the Single Tax Made Progress,"
Dearborn Independent.
One of Miller's finest achievements was "The Single Tax Year
Book." It was a history, statement of principles and study of the
application of the single tax. It was a work of nearly 500 pages,
edited by Joseph Dana Miller, and published in 1917. This Year Book
received many press notices and secured a wide distribution. It was
placed in nearly 1000 libraries throughout the world, and many of them
deemed it an invaluable source book.
Another of Mr. Miller's volumes appeared under the self-explanatory
title, "Thirty Years of Verse Making." This was published in
1926. Mr. Miller insisted on calling his efforts "verse,"
not "poetry." In this compilation, the cream of many years
of work, the verses were classified under the following headings:
Poems of Social Aspiration; Tributes to Notables; From the Library;
Fields, Woods and Sea; Verses Occasional and Topical; and, In Lighter
Vein.
Joseph Dana Miller's writings in LAND AND FREEDOM itself, over a
period of four decades, especially his editorials (which appeared
successively under the title of "Editorials," "Current
Comment," and finally, "Comment and Reflection"),
constitute a vast epic commentary on world affairs viewed in the light
of fundamental economics.
Aroused over an issue, Miller's pen was something to be reckoned
with. When the soldiers returned from the overseas war in 1919, and
the Lane Report informed the nation that there was no way in which the
soldiers could be replaced in the nation's industrial life, Miller
blazed away. "This is the final smirch on America's honor. It
makes us the laughing stock of the world. It is our punishment for our
betrayal to civilization during three shameful years, for our shallow
sentiment, false heroics and theatrical posturing. ...The statesmen
who can think of nothing better than to consign our war-worn veterans
to the swamp and the desert, are of the same timber as those who
allowed the doors of opportunity to close in the rear of the recruits
as they left home to defend their country, our own and civilization
itself. ...The execrations of posterity will weigh heavy on the
memories of those who, with their hands on the helm of state, failed
in capacity or duty and guided her upon the rocks."
Mr. Miller proved his awareness of the real forces at work in his
comments on the international scene. He said this of the Russian
revolution: "We venture the prediction that as the Bolshevist
experiment develops, it will be found that its chief contribution to
human progress will be its exemplification of the policies to be
avoided by nations who wish to improve their social conditions and its
complete and triumphal refutation of the sophistries of Karl Marx and
his followers." He saw the Fascist revolution in Italy as a
reactionary revolution against the radicals then in control. "A
resort to physical force by radicals invites the use of force by
reactionaries."
Mr. Miller's comments had their humorous side. When the New School
for Social Research was established, Miller greeted it thus: "...The
New School for Social Research is now launched. All questions
concerning man's social relations are now in a fair way of being
solved. We rejoice, at the announcement that 'there will be an attempt
at factual rather than normative generalization,' and that 'an attempt
will be made to explain the implicit assumptions involved in the
prevailing technical treatment of such subjects as frequency
distribution, types and averages, measures of dispersion, etc.'
"On Thursdays the Course includes: 'Relation of the theory of
errors to statistical theory. Theory and technique of the mathematical
treatment of statistical frequency curves. The statistical problem of
two variables. Linear and non-linear correlation. Importance of the
equations of the regression lines as representing empirical laws.
Etc., etc.'
"We lay down this announcement. Perhaps our levity will seem
unpardonable, but we felt like Artemus Ward: 'We busted into tears and
resolved to lead a different life not necessarily a better life, but
different.'"
Many of Mr. Miller's articles and editorials were reprinted in
pamphlet form, at the request of many readers. Among them were: "Jones'
Itemized Rent Bill," "Has the Single Tax Made Progress,"
"What is it that is Taught as Political Economy," and a keen
"Comment and Reflection," written as late as 1938,
criticizing President Roosevelt.
The Superlative Twenties
The nineteen-twenties ushered in another period of that hectic "prosperity"
that does not deceive Georgeists. But the Georgeists were falling into
disrepute. Their dire predictions seemed so fantastic.
Miller and his co-workers struggled valiantly to keep aloft the light
of the Georgeist philosophy in its fullness. He strove to recapture
that vision and determination which characterized the early days of
the movement. He inspired the workers in the 'movement to carry on.
In those disappointing hours, another light flared on the horizon. In
1925 the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation was established. Robert
Schalkenbach, recently deceased, made provision in his will for this
Foundation, which was to publish the works of Henry George and
encourage such literature as would be helpful in the propagation of
the Georgeist philosophy. Mr. Miller joyfully featured this good news
in LAND AND FREEDOM. It was another milestone in the progress of the
movement. It was another step making the movement more clearcut.
Henceforth Georgeists would not have to rely on an occasional
publisher who would be willing to print George's literature. Here were
the resources for doing so, right within the movement. Such steps had
to be taken, since Henry George's works were so shamefully neglected
by the contemporary publishing houses.
The Schalkenbach bequest provoked many editorials in leading
newspapers. An editorial appeared in the New York Sun, under the
title, "An Odd Bequest." After nebulously "refuting"
the Georgeist proposals, the editorial concluded with this strange
moral: "Even if the Single Tax were regarded as thoroughly sound
by current thought, a will which provides for the indefinite
propagation of any given man's set of ideas courts future
difficulties. ...Suppose the reforms aimed at are accomplished?
...Must propaganda in favor of the reform go on and on forever?"
Of course this puerile argument could be applied to any work, not
excluding the Bible. However, there were many favorable newspaper
editorials on the bequest. The Brooklyn Eagle and the Philadelphia
North American made favorable comment, and asserted that it was a good
work.
In 1926 an International Conference was held at Copenhagen, Denmark,
sponsored by the International Union for Land Value Taxation and Free
Trade. Georgeists from seventeen nations convened. One of the steps
taken at this Conference was the sending of a message to the League of
Nations for the consideration of the Council and Assembly. Another
message was sent by the Union a year later on "The
Interdependence of the Economic Causes of War and of Industrial
Depression." It was addressed to the International Economic
Conference of the League of Nations held at Geneva in May, 1927.
The year 1926 marked the inauguration of another series of Georgeist
conferences. The Henry George Foundation of America initiated its
annual Henry George Congresses, which have been held every year since
then. The first Congress was the year of the Sesquicentennial
Celebration of the Declaration of Independence, at Philadelphia. The
Georgeists convened at that city, and, seizing upon the occasion,
issued "A New Declaration of Economic Independence." Another
of the Henry George Foundation's accomplishments was the purchasing of
Henry George's birth- place in Philadelphia.
1929 was the fiftieth anniversary of the appearance of
Progress and Poverty. It was celebrated by a Fiftieth
Anniversary Edition published by the Schalkenbach Foundation; it is
the edition still distributed by the Foundation.
In 1929 also was held another International Conference, this time at
Edinburgh, Scotland. Georgeists from twenty-four nations convened and
reported activities and progressed throughout the world. Engineer D.
de Clerq spoke on the reclamation of the Zuider Zee, which was being
organized along Georgeist lines. The land was to be leased by the
government, and the government had refused to sell the reclaimed land.
In Denmark, steady progress in land value taxation was reported, as
well as in Australia, New Zealand, and municipalities in many other
countries.
While in Great Britain for this Conference, Mrs. Anna George de
Mille, daughter of Henry George, stopped at London for an interview
with Philip Snowden at 11 Downing Street. She reported the interview
in LAND AND FREE- DOM: "Although he spoke conservatively and
couched his statements in diplomatic phrases that made neither
promises nor guarantees, I hold the firm conviction that we are going
to see our beliefs fought for in the open political fields in England,
and that Philip Snowden will be in the frontline trenches, directing
the campaign." It was only two years later that the battle for
the separate valuation of land and improvements was fought in
Parliament, with Snowden leading the battle.
Henry George School of Social Science
During the dark days of the early depression, there was a man with a
vision, who decided that now was the time to realize his dream. The
man was Oscar H. Geiger treasurer and editorial associate of LAND AND
FREEDOM and the dream was an institution where the philosophy of Henry
George might be taught. He consulted Joseph Dana Miller, who
enthusiastically endorsed the idea. And so, on January 1, 1932, the
Henry George School of Social Science was founded, with Oscar H.
Geiger as Director.
At first the School did not appear to be an institution at all it was
just Mr. Geiger lecturing here and there, under the auspices of the
Manhattan Single Tax Club and the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation. But
the faith of Messrs. Geiger and Miller was that it would grow and
become a great and influential institution. The office of LAND AND
FREEDOM was adopted as headquarters of the School.
The March-April 1932 issue of LAND AND FREEDOM carried a feature
story of the School and an ardent plea that Georgeists support this
new and worthy venture. "At the Henry George Congress in
Baltimore," wrote Miller, "Dr. Mark Millikin, who is one of
the sponsors of the new movement, suggested the founding of a Henry
George University. Here is the beginning that may eventuate in the
establishment of such a university."
The School and its educational program was enthusiastically received
by Georgeists throughout the country. The financial support, however,
was somewhat disappointing, but Mr. Geiger, moved by a deep faith,
carried on and struggled to build the School on firm and secure
foundations. At great personal sacrifice he devoted almost his entire
savings to keep the venture alive, and pure. He was truly a martyr.
The School grew, so that in each succeeding issue of LAND AND
FREEDOM, more and more progress could be reported. "Mr. Geiger
seems determined to make the School a United Movement Effort rather
than a one-man institution." "If success is the
accomplishment of what one sets out to do, the Henry George School of
Social Science can surely be accounted a success." But it must
not be thought that Mr. Geiger was so engrossed with the educational
program of the School that he had no interest in the larger purpose of
the institution. He constantly iterated that the School was "but
a means to an end, i.e., the attainment of our reforms."
Through the issues of LAND AND FREEDOM, we trace the growth of this
School. Step by step it. unfolded. A Board of Trustees was organized.
It secured a Charter from the New York State Board of Regents. John
Dewey consented to be its Honorary President. Within a year it had
larger headquarters at 21 1 West 79th Street, New York City. "An
address that is the making of an epoch," Mr. Miller called it.
Classes were held every day, with Mr. Geiger as instructor and "Progress
and Poverty" as the text-book. The students, fired with the
enthusiasm imparted by their master, formed a Student Alumni Council,
headed by Helen D. Denbigh, and conceived of a Henry George Fellowship
which was to rally all the followers of Henry George together. "The
students have taken hold !" Miller wrote joyfully in LAND AND
FREEDOM.
Oscar H. Geiger, the Founder and Director, passed away June, 1934.
But he lived long enough to see the beginning of an assured growth. "The
School must go on!" was the watchword of Oscar Geiger's loyal
followers. The Student Alumni Council, the Henry George Fellowship,
all rallied together to continue the great educational work. They were
the true apostles of the Founder.
The founding of the Henry George School of Social Science was another
milestone in the progress of the Henry George movement. It was another
step in the clarification of the movement. It was another of the
resources the followers of Henry George were creating in order to
carry the movement to success. Since Henry George had been unjustly
ignored by institutions of learning, a special institution had to be
founded devoted to filling what Prof. Harry Gunnison Brown calls "the
void in college curricula."
Year by year the Henry George School continued growing. An increasing
number of students took its courses, an increasing number of leaders
were made. Extensions of the School were established in cities and
towns all over the country. Its fame spread to other nations.
Georgeists in Canada, England, Denmark and Australia emulated the
School and its educational program. In Canada, a School of Economic
Science was launched. England took the name of Henry George School of
Social Science. In Australia it was the New South Wales School of
Social Science. In Denmark it was the Okoteknisk Hojskole. The Henry
George School method also influenced such later Georgeist
organizations as We, the Citizens, and the School of Democracy.
The idea of the Henry George Fellowship was enthusiastically taken up
by graduates of the Henry George School in various cities. Chapters of
the Fellowship were formed, and a Federated Fellowship was
established. Joseph Dana Miller saw this as a step toward the goal of
a United Movement Effort. He wrote: "Disproving the old theory
that the Single Taxers were too individualistic to organize and
achieve their common goal, the Federated Chapters of the Henry George
Fellowship have demonstrated that Georgeists can and will cooperate."
Today the Henry George School occupies a large 5-story building at 30
East 29th Street, New York City, with Mr. Frank Chodorov as Director.
The Robert Schalkenbach Foundation also has its offices in the same
structure.
Unto the End
From the heights, as a spiritual leader of the Henry George movement,
the aging Joseph Dana Miller continued with undiminished zeal and
ability to chronicle the epic of a mighty movement to free mankind.
The hands trembled a little, the eyes were somewhat dimmed but the
mind was as clear, the pen as keen as ever. The parade went by . . .
The Henry George School was growing. In California, most persistent
center of political action, Judge Jackson Ralston was waging a
campaign to repeal the sales tax and substitute a land value tax.
Overseas, the International Union for Land Value Taxation and Free
Trade was spreading its influence despite darkening clouds on the
international scene. The old controversies within the movement were
again being waged: To organize or not to organize; is interest
justified; is political action premature; the School of 1897 versus an
improved and modernized science of economics; etc., etc.
And Joseph Dana Miller, venerable sage, was growing more kindly, more
tolerant. Around him, the Samuel Johnson of the movement, the
Georgeists flocked. They were all his children, all working for the
same cause. Let them all have their say. Something good will come out
of it.
The November-December 1938 issue was the last number of LAND AND
FREEDOM edited by Joseph Dana Miller. As long as he was able he
appeared every day at the office. After that issue, ebbing health did
not permit him to continue. But this, his last issue did it show any
signs of decline, or senility? Let us glance at it: A powerful
editorial on the current trend toward collectivism, and a clarion call
to return to Liberty a clear-headed evaluation of organization and
political action, and a plea for unified Georgeist effort the story of
the California campaign by Jackson Ralston an article by Benjamin W.
Burger demonstrating the possibility of collecting the rent of land
under existing Federal laws the program of the newly formed Tax Relief
Association, an organization intended to interest business men, by
Victor A. Rule and the news of the Georgeist movement throughout the
world.
During Mr. Miller's last illness in the early part of 1939, the
business and editing of LAND AND FREEDOM was assumed by Charles Jos.
Smith, who now conducts the enterprise as Trustee under the last will
and testament of the Founder. Mr. Smith enjoys the collaboration of
his co-editors, Mr. Jos. Hiram Newman and Mr. Robert Clancy.
On May 8, 1939, Joseph Dana Miller passed away. The May- June 1939
number was devoted to his memory. Tributes poured in from every part
of the world. They were followed by a ringing appeal that LAND AND
FREEDOM should continue the work of the Founder. And it' has.
L'Envoi
LAND AND FREEDOM, after Miller's death, continued to be just what it
had been in the past the voice of the Henry George movement. If the
world wished to know what was the status of the Georgeist cause, it
might turn to the pages of this journal.
With the clouds of world conflict again darkening Georgeists from all
over the world convened at New York in 1939 to celebrate the Centenary
of Henry George. I was fateful that September 2nd, the hundredth
anniversary of the birth of that great economist and social
philosopher should witness the outbreak of a cataclysm that he
prophesied would engulf our civilization.
With these terrible world events accumulating, LAND AN FREEDOM
continues to perform its mission, continues the tradition of Joseph
Dana Miller. It continues to exhort the people to turn to Liberty
while there is yet time. It stand for the philosophy of Henry George
in all its power. And it stands for a United Effort on the part of all
who embrace the philosophy of freedom to pull together for the great
work of leading the Georgeist reform to success the on salvation for
mankind.
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