Resolutions Offered on the Homestead Bill
Gerrit Smith
[Resolutions introduced in the U.S. House of
Representatives, 21 February, 1854]
Whereas, all the members of the human family, notwithstanding all
contrary enactments and arrangements, have, at all times, and in all
circumstances, as equal a right to the soil as to the light and air,
because equal a natural need of the one as the other;
And whereas, this invariably equal right to the soil leaves no room
to buy or sell or give it away; Therefore,
1. Resolved, That no bill or proposition should find any favor with
Congress which implies the right of Congress to dispose of the public
lands, or any part of them, either by sale or gift.
2. Resolved, That duty of civil government in regard to public lands,
and indeed, to all lands, is but to regulate the occupation of them;
and that this regulation should ever proceed upon the principle that
the right of all persons to the soil - is as equal, as inherent, and
as sacred, as the right to life itself.
3. Resolved, That government will have done but little toward
securing the equal right to land, until it shall have made essential
to the validity of every claim to land both the fact that it is
actually possessed, and the fact that it does not exceed in quantity
the maximum, which is the duty of the government to prescribe.
4. Resolved, That it is not because land monopoly is the most
efficient cause of inordinate and tyrannical riches on the one hand,
and of independent and abject poverty on the other; and that it is not
because it is, therefore, the most efficient cause of that inequality
of condition, so well-nigh fatal to the spread of Democracy and
Christianity, that government is called upon to abolish it; but it is
because the right which this mighty agent of evil violates and
tramples under foot, is among those clear, certain, essential, natural
rights which it is the province of government to protect at all
hazards, and irrespective of all consequences.
EXTRACTS FROM MR. SMITH'S SPEECH TO THE RESOLUTIONS
I am in favor of the bill because I am in favor of what I interpret
the bill essentially to be let others interpret it as they will. This
bill, as I view it, is an acknowledgment that the public lands belong,
not to the government, but to the landless.
And now to my argument, and to my endeavor to show that land monopoly
[unreadable]ing, and that civil government should neither practice nor
permit [unreadable] that the duty of Congress is to yield up all the
public land to actual settlers.
I admit that there are things in which a man can have absolute
property, and which without, qualification or restriction he can buy,
or sell, or bequeath, at his pleasure. But I deny that the soil is
among these things. What a man produces from the soil he has an
absolute right to. He may abuse the right. It nevertheless, remains.
But no such right can he have in the soil itself. If he could he might
monopolize it. If very rich, he might purchase a township or a county;
and in connection with half a dozen other monopolists, he might come
to obtain all the lands of a state, or a nation. Their occupants might
be compelled to leave them and to starve, and the lands might be
converted into parks and hunting grounds for the enjoyment of the
aristocracy. Moreover, if this could be done in the case of a state or
a nation, why could it not be done in the case of the whole earth?
But it may be said that a man might monopolize the fruits of the
soil, and thus become as injurious to his fellow men as by
monopolizing the soil itself. It is true that he might in this wise
produce a scarcity of food. But the calamity would be for a few months
only, and it would serve to stimulate the sufferers to guard against
its recurrence by a more faithful, tillage, and by more caution in
parting with their crops. Having the soil [unreadable] in their hands,
they would have the remedy still in their hands. But [unreadable] they
suffered the soil itself to be monopolized had they suffered the soil
itself, instead of the fruits of it, to pass out of their hands, then
they would be without remedy. Then they would lie at the mercy of him
who has it in his power to dictate the terms on which they may again
have access to the soil, or who, in his heartless perverseness, might
refuse its occupation on any terms whatever.
What I have here supposed in my argument is abundantly -- alas! but
too abundantly -- justified by facts. Land monopoly has reduced no
small share of the human family to abject and wretched dependence, for
it has shut them out from the great source of subsistence, and
frightfully increased the precariousness of life. Unhappy Ireland
illustrates the great power of land monopoly for evil. The right to so
much as a standing place on the earth is denied to the great mass of
her people. Their great impartial Father has placed them on the earth,
and in placing them on it has irresistibly implied their right to live
on it. Nevertheless, land monopoly tells them that they are
trespassers, and treats them as trespassers. Even when most indulgent,
land monopoly allows them nothing better than to pick up the crumbs of
the barest existence; and when in his most rigorous moods, the monster
compels them to starve and die by millions. Ireland -- poor, land
monopoly cursed and famine-wasted Ireland has still a population of
some 6,000,000, and yet it is only 6,000 persons who have monopolized
her soil. Scotland has some 3,000,000 of people, and 3,000 is the
number of the monopolists of her soil. England and Wales contain some
18,000,000 of people, and the total number of those who claim
exclusive right to the soil of England and Wales is 30,000. I may not
be rightly informed as to the numbers of the land monopolists in those
countries, but whether they are twice as great, or half as great as I
have given them, is quite immaterial to the essence of my argument
against land monopoly. I would say in this connection that land
monopoly, or the accumulation of the land in the hands of the few, has
increased very rapidly in England. A couple of centuries ago there
were several times as many English land holders as there are now.
I need say no more to prove that land monopoly is a very high crime,
and that it is the imperative duty of Government to put a stop to it.
Were the monopoly of the light and air practicable, and were the
monopolists of these elements (having armed themselves with title
deeds to them) to sally forth and threaten the people of one town with
a vacuum in case they are unwilling or unable to buy their supply of
air, and threaten the people of another town with total darkness in
case they will not or cannot buy their supply of light, there
confessedly would be no higher duty on Government than to put an end
to such wicked and death-dealing monopolies. But these monopolies
would not differ in principle from land monopoly; and they would be no
more fatal to the enjoyments of human existence itself than land
monopoly has proved itself capable of being. Why land monopoly has not
swept the earth of all good is not because it is unadapted and
inadequate to that end, but because it has been only partially carried
out.
The right of a man to the soil, the light, and the air, is to so much
of each of them as he needs, and no more; and for so long as he lives,
and no longer. In other words, this dear mother earth with her
never-failing nutritious bosom, and this life-preserving air which
floats around it, and this sweet light which visits it, are all owned
by each present generation, and are equally owned by all the members
of such generation. Hence, whatever the papers or parchments regarding
the soil which we may pass between ourselves, they can have no
legitimate power to impair the equal right to it, either of the
persons who compose this generation, or of the persons who shall
compose the next.
E It is a very glaring assumption on the part of one generation, to
control the distribution and enjoyment of natural rights for another
generation. We of the present generation have no more liberty to
provide that one person of the next generation shall have ten thousand
acres, and another but ten acres, than we have to provide that one
person of the next generation shall live a hundred years, and another
but a hundred days; and no more liberty to provide that a person of
the next generation shall be destitute of land than that he shall be
destitute of light or air. They who compose a generation are, so far
as natural rights are concerned, absolutely entitled to a free and
equal start in life; and that equality is not to be disturbed and that
freedom is not to be encumbered by any arrangements of the preceding
generation.
I may be asked whether I would have the present acknowledged claims
to land disturbed. I answer that I would where the needs of the people
demand it. In Ireland, for instance, there is the most urgent
necessity for overriding such claims, and subdividing the land anew.
But in our own country there is an abundance of vacant and
unappropriated land for the landless to go to. We ought not, however,
to presume upon this abundance to delay abolishing land monopoly. The
greediness of land monopolists might in a single generation convert
this abundance into scarcity. Moreover, if we do not provide now for
the peaceable equal distribution of the public lands, it may be too
late to provide for it hereafter. Justice, so palpable and so
necessary, cannot be withheld but at the risk of being grasped
violently.
It is said that all talk of land monopoly in America is impertinent
and idle. It is boasted that in escaping from primogeniture and entail
we have escaped from the evils of land monopoly. But the boast is
unfounded. These evils already press heavily upon us, and they will
press more and more heavily upon us unless the root of them is
extirpated -unless land monopoly is abolished. In the old portions of
the country the poor are oppressed and defrauded of an essential
natural right by the accumulation of farms in the hands of wealthy
families. In the new, the way of the poor, and indeed of the whole
population, to comfort and prosperity is blocked up by tracts of wild
land, which speculators retain for the unjust purpose of having them
increase in value out of the toil expended upon the contiguous land.
And why should we flatter ourselves that land monopoly, if suffered to
live among us, will not in time get laws enacted for its extension
and perpetuity as effective even as primogeniture and entail? To let
alone any great wrong in the hope that it will never outgrow its
present limits, is very unwise-very unsafe. But land monopoly is not
only a great, but a mighty wrong; and if let alone it may stretch and
fortify itself until it has become invincible.
A much happier world will this be when land monopoly shall cease;
when his needed portion of the soil shall be accorded to every person;
when it shall no more be bought and sold; when, like salvation, it
shall be "without money and without price;" when, in a word,
it shall be free, even as God made it free. Then when the good time
prophetically spoken of shall come, and "every man shall sit
under his own vine and fig tree," the world will be much happier,
because, in the first place, wealth will then be so much more equally
distributed, and the rich and the poor will then be so comparatively
rare. Riches and poverty are both abnormal, false, unhappy states, and
they will yet be declared to be sinful states. They beget each other.
Over against the one is ever to be found a corresponding degree of the
other. So long, then, as the masses are robbed by land monopoly, the
world will be cursed with riches and poverty. But when the poor man is
put in possession of his portion of the goodly green earth, and is
secured by the strong arm of Government in the enjoyment of a home
from which not he nor his wife nor his children can be driven, then is
he raised above poverty, not only by the possession of the soil, but
still more by the virtues which he cultivates in his heart whilst he
cultivates the soil. Then, too he no longer ministers to the undue
accumulation of wealth by others, as he did when advantage was taken
of his homeless condition, and he was compelled to serve for what he
could get.
I would add in this place that inasmuch as land monopoly is the chief
cause of beggary, comparatively little beggary will remain after lance
monopoly is abolished.
The world will be much happier when land monopoly shall cease because
manual labor will then be so honorable because so well-nigh universal.
It will be happier, too, because of the general equality there will
then be, not in property only, but in education, and other essential
respects also. How much fewer the instances then thru now of a haughty
spirit on the one hand, and of an abject spirit on the other! The
pride of superior circumstances, so, common now, will then be rare
and, rare, too, will be that abjectness of spirit, so common now
(though, happily, far from universal) in the condition of dependent
poverty, and the difficulty of overcoming which is so well compared to
the difficulty of making an empty bag stand up straight!
Another gain to the world from abolishing land monopoly is that war
would then be well-nigh impossible. It would be so if only because it
would be difficult to enlist men into its ranks. For who would leave
the comforts and endearments of home to enter upon the poorly paid and
unhonored services of a private soldier? It was not "young
Fortinbras" only who in collecting his army, Shark'd up a list of
landless resolutes but in every age and country war has pound its
recruits among the homeless, among vagabonds.
And still another benefit to flow from the abolition of land monopoly
is its happy influence upon the cause of temperance-that precious
cause which both the great and the small are in their folly and
madness so wont to scorn, but which is, nevertheless, none the less
essential to private happiness and prosperity, to national growth and
glory. The ranks of intemperance, like those of war, are to a great
extent recruited from the homeless and the vagrant.
How numerous and precious the blessings that would follow the
abolition of land monopoly! By the number and preciousness of those
blessings, I might entreat civil government the earth over to abolish
it. But I will not. I prefer to demand this justice in the name of
justice. In the name of justice I demand that civil government,
wherever guilty of it, shall cease to sell and give away land -- shall
cease to sell and give away what is not its own. The vacant land
belongs to all who need it. It belongs to the landless of every clime
and condition. The extent of the legitimate concern of Government with
it is but to regulate and protect its occupation. n the name of
justice do I demand of Government, not only that it shall itself cease
from the land traffic, but that it shall compel its subjects to cease
from it. Government owes protection to its subjects. It owes them
nothing else. But that people are emphatically unprotected who are
left by their Government to be the prey of land monopoly.
The Federal Government has sinned greatly against human rights in
usurping the ownership of a large share of the American soil. It can
of course enact no laws and exert no influence against land monopoly
whilst it is itself the mammoth monopolist of land. This Government
has presumed to sell millions of acres and to give away millions of
acres. t has lavished land on States and corporations and individuals,
as if it were itself the Great Maker of the land. Our State
Governments also have been guilty of assuming to own the soil. They
too need to repent. And they will repent if the Federal Government
will lead the way.
And if the Governments of this great nation
shall acknowledge the right of every man to a spot of earth for a
home, may we not hope that the Governments of many other nations will
speedily do likewise? Nay, may we not in that case regard the age as
not distant when land monopoly, which numbers far more victims than
any other evil, and which is, moreover the most prolific parent of
evil, shall disappear from the whole earth, and shall leave the whole
earth to illustrate, as it never can whilst under the curse of land
monopoly, the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man?
Let this bill become a law and, if our Government shall be consistent
with itself, land monopoly will surely cease within the limits of the
exclusive jurisdiction of that Government. But let this bill be
defeated and let success attend the applications for scores of
millions of acres for soldiers, and for hundreds of millions of acres
for railroad and canal companies, and land monopoly will then be so
strongly fastened upon this nation that violence alone will be able to
throw it off. The best hope for the poor will then perish. The most
cherished reliance for human progress will then be trodden under foot.
My reference to the speculator affords me an occasion for saying
that, not only the lands which you let soldiers have, but also the
lands which you let railroad companies and canal companies have, will
get into the hands of land speculators. That is heir sure and speedy
destination; and t is in those hands that land monopoly works its
mightiest mischief, and develops its guiltiest.
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