Getting Jobs Back to the Cities
Henry Tideman
[Reprinted from Land & Liberty,
January-February 1978]
Buildings and their value come into existence only as a product of
the builder. Taxes on buildings, in their inception, by absorbing part
of the income from them, make buildings unprofitable, and because they
are unprofitable, fewer buildings are built; men will not build at a
loss. The ensuing artificial shortage, operating through the law of
supply and demand, raises building rents, and it is only when events
reach that stage that the tax on buildings can be and is passed on to
the tenant. The resulting tax-created shortage continues indefinitely
without ever being made up; the incentive to build the volume of
construction needed to make up the shortage has been stifled by the
tax, and rents continue artificially high as the tax continues to be
passed on to the user.
Urban land, however, is not, like buildings, created by anyone;
it has always existed. As Prof. Arthur Becker of the University of
Wisconsin says, "Since urban land, considered in terms of its
most essential characteristic as three-dimensional space, is a gift of
nature, no economic inducement or compensation is required to bring it
into existence." Similarly, the value of urban land is created
not by the titleholder, but by its situation, by government
activities, and by the presence and activities of others. Since a tax
on land cannot make it better, cannot discourage its production or
reduce its supply, it does not create a shortage of land which raises
its price, and cannot be passed on to the user.
On the contrary, the tax on industrial land values -- as is also true
of taxes on other land values -- makes it unprofitable to hold
well-situated industrial land idle. It presses that land into the
market and by increasing its use creates manufacturing jobs for those
living in nearby housing. Not only does land-value taxation lead to
the use of vacant land and the better use of that already occupied, it
does so in a selective fashion, pressing first into use the most
productive land, as evidenced by its having in men's eyes the highest
value and therefore bearing the highest taxes. Taxes on construction
discourage construction and raise rents; taxes on land encourage
construction and lower rents.
(What is here true of factory construction is equally true of housing
construction; the same land-value taxation which would tend to bring
about the construction of factories with their jobs for the unskilled
living in nearby housing, would also expedite the construction of
housing.)
The fact that industry would be encouraged is understood even by the
local Assessor's office, since the comment of his observer at a
session hearing Prof. Becker's testimony was that it would fill
Chicago cheek to jowl with industry. Such a fantasy is hardly well
founded. Industry does not exist in a vacuum either; it, in reverse,
has its own relationship to housing. But from the standpoint of the
poor living in adjacent housing, what could do more for them than a
plethora of adjacent factories begging for employees?
Chicago industrial and other builders would no longer be driven not
only out of the city but even leapfrogging over land at its margin
als6 held at prices which make its current use unprofitable. Urban
sprawl would be contained not by regulatory measures, but by the fact
that men do not spread on to flood-plains and to places without
railroad service, when good land in and closer to the city is
available.
Beyond this, land-value taxation is what the economists call "neutral",
one of its great merits in a day when taxes block and twist production
in strange ways. It does not favour one industry over another. It does
not raise the price of land. It does not affect the property taxes of
an average man with an average value home on an average value lot; the
higher tax on the land is offset by the lower tax on the building; and
by encouraging production it actually lowers the price of the products
he buys. It does not require that any building be located in a place
the builder regards as unsuitable. It merely provides reasonable tax
policies which make desirable locations available. We cannot coerce
men into "goodness"; but by doing justice, we can -- at no
cost to the public -- help them to find it to be advantageous.
For there is an answer to those who will thoughtlessly say that such
a maximization of the tax on urban land values would not be fair; why
should the landholder-as opposed to the owner of a building-bear the
burden of taxes? Who makes the value of Chicago land? The Chicago
public, all of us; first, individually, through our presence as
producers and consumers; and second, collectively, as the medium
raising and spending tax money for Chicago facilities like streets and
alleys and their lighting, water lines and filtering and pumping
stations, sewer lines and treatment plants, police protection, fire
protection, municipal transportation, parks, and schools.
Since Chicago tax money creates and maintains these facilities, and
since what rises in value when they are provided is Chicago land --
not Chicago buildings, which can never be worth more than it would
cost to create others like them -- is it not entirely fair that the
Chicago landholder pay for what he gets? It is not merely unfair to
ask the building owner to pay; it is, as the evidence demonstrates,
inexpedient, because it drives him out of the city. The land cannot go
away; the prospective industrial building can, and now does, and when
possible in the future will -- until Chicago changes its tax policies
leave the neighbourhood of our low cost urban housing, spreading
across our land like a cancer in an eternal search for something not
really there either, while it leaves the unskilled and unemployed
behind in the inner city.
As Prof. Becker says, in the carefully dry language of the
professional economist: "Converting the uniform real-estate tax
into a land-value tax would provide an immediate stimulus for economic
development and use of urban land."
Dr. Carl H. Madden, the Chief Economist of the United States Chamber
of Commerce, puts the matter this way: "A powerful tool for
rebuilding urban centres through private initiative lies in reforming
the property tax. Higher taxation of location values and lower
taxation of improvements would help to push land into nacre effective
use."
Land-value taxation suggests that there is no need for us in the
United States to continually throw away our used cities and get us new
ones. All we require is a method of securing access to building sites,
to the surface of the Earth, within the boundaries of the cities we
already have; and that, it will provide. And ought not this be done?
For is not the planet Earth the common inheritance of mankind?
How much longer can we survive free, with city tax policies which
drive industry away from its natural employees in a constantly
widening sprawl, wasting our countryside in one way and our cities in
another?
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