Organization of Georgeists: Pro and Con
Gilbert M. Tucker
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom,
September-October 1940]
Today we have hosts of groups and organizations working to advance
our philosophy but we have no broad and comprehensive organization of
Georgeists to unite our efforts. The need is imperative; independent
groups are doing excellent work in specific fields but, without united
support, they are at a great disadvantage and the growth of the
movement is seriously retarded, and one can name hardly another
comparable endeavor which lacks organized unity. Our present-day
organizations fall into two categories; they are purely local or they
confine their operations and wisely to specific fields. In the Robert
Schalkenbach Foundation, we have an admirable publishing agency, and
in the Henry George School of Social Science, we have the nucleus of
systematic education, but we need a bigger and broader program. We
must have a national, or better a continental organization, for our
brethren in other American countries who are doing such excellent work
should not be excluded.
The major features and objectives of such a body might well be as
follows:
1. The preparation of a list, and as large a membership enrollment as
is possible, of those already committed to our creed or to be won in
the future. This is the first requisite if we are to know our strength
and where it lies, and unite for a common purpose.
2. To avoid the criticism so often levelled against some of our
existing organizations that they are too closely knit and arbitrary
and give rise to factions it should be essentially democratic in form.
Since true democracy is best achieved through representative action
and "home rule," a national organization may well be
decentralized, encouraging in every way the formation of local groups,
to be represented in the governing board, although active executive
management may well be left to a smaller group.
3. To make it broad and catholic, its declaration of principles
should be general rather than specific. Qualifications for membership
should be so liberal that no true Georgeist will be excluded.
4. It should aim at cooperation with and support of existing
organizations, furthering the sale and circulation of literature, the
extension of formal education, study and research, and all that goes
with "publicity," both for the movement as a whole and for
specific approved programs. A public relations counsel, publicity man,
advertising expert call him what you will might be employed, when
possible, to put our philosophy in a more favorable light with the
public and to overcome prejudices based on false conceptions or built
up by our own mistakes. This might be the means of opening to us more
generously the pages of the press.
5. An important objective would be to secure more adequate financing
of our work in all its aspects something comparable to the community
chests of our cities. Acting as a general soliciting, receiving and
disbursing agency, such an organization, on sound lines, would prove a
bulwark of strength. This is an urgent need today, for very
considerable funds are often lost because there is no strong and
stable institution to which funds can be given or devised for the
movement as a whole.
6. The great and ultimate aim would, of course, be the extension of
our philosophy, bringing in new blood, keeping alive enthusiasm, and
directing it into wise channels, and building for the final
realization of our hopes. Every Georgeist knows full well the
limitless, potential appeal of our creed, in its bearings on
practically all the pressing problems of today. We have the answers to
unemployment of both men and capital, to the labor question, to
housing, and even to the international problems of war and peace. But
how do we go about enlisting the aid of the great numbers eagerly
seeking a solution to a problem in which their interest is intense and
to which they give freely of both time and money? They ask for bread
and we give them a stone ; they seek definite and specific remedies
for evils of which they are bitterly conscious, and are given
literature inconclusive pamphlet or a formidable book and there it
rests. Or they are to study economics in the class-room. If they do
sit at feet to learn wisdom, or if they give desultory reading our
books, and begin to get a glimmer of light, we offer no program,
except perhaps that they aid in putting others through the same mill.
This is no impatient plea for political action, or for ill-judged and
half-considered political campaigns prematurely undertaken. But we
must shape our policies and have a plan for the future, however long
we may wait for its realization. Education is our first need but we
must interpret that word in a sense broader than only class-room
study, and there must be a vision of the road to which it leads, with
a constructive program. Present activities must continue, and we would
not suggest that those now giving themselves so generously to valuable
undertakings, in which they faith and for which they are fitted,
should scatter ammunition. Let each one do that task which appeals
strongly to him, and for which he is best qualified, but opportunities
are legion and many who have "seen the cat" are unable, for
one reason or for many, to contribute much to these operations. It is
these who must be enrolled, whose enthusiasm must be quickened and
whose zeal must be fired, by opening new avenues of service to the
cause of truth and justice.
Until we have such an organization, on broad and liberal grounds, we
work under a heavy handicap. Only by united, concerted effort can we
begin to make real and substantial progress and only through strong
cooperation can the foundation be laid and preparations made for the
day that must come.
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