The Story of My Dictatorship

Lewis Henry Berens

[Chapters 1 and 2 only / Published by the Land Values
Publication Department, London, 1894]

A POLITICAL OUTING, AND WHAT CAME OF IT

THE legend about Mahomet visiting the celestial regions, wandering all over the seven heavens, encountering countless vicissitudes on his way, and returning to earth in time to pick up a pitcher he had accidentally upset on leaving, and that before a single drop of its contents had time to escape, does not now seem to me so incredible a feat as when I first read the story. My own adventure may not be quite so marvellous as that of the great prophet, but at any- rate it would come in as a good second. To be " wafted by a fav'ring gale " from the humble station of a retiring taxpayer to the exalted office of Lord Protector ; to hold that office for a full twelve months ; to crowd into this short span of time the work of a whole and possibly of several generations ; and to accomplish all this between sunset and sunrise, is a performance unparalleled by anything in history, and is comparable only to the miraculous journey of Islam's renowned prophet.

I had better tell my tale from the beginning. weather, good company, and the prospect of a much-needed rest, enticed me away from my work to join the members of the local Democratic Club on a pleasure excursion. As a means of recreation the outing was, as far as myself was concerned, a complete failure. There can be no mental rest, as I have discovered to my cost, among a crowd of earnest, enthusiastic politicians, especially at a time when the industries of a country are paralysed by a great strike, and a great constitutional measure is being the subject of animated debate both in and out of Parliament. I might have known as much. Yet now, after the event, I am not quite sure but that the prospect of being able to listen to a discussion of the politics of the day may have been unconsciously- one of the motives which made me respond to the invitation. Be this as it may, I went ; and it was not long before we were in the very thick of the social problem, and the pleasure party soon constituted itself into a kind of debating society.

There was no lack of speakers. Everyone present had something important to say, and almost every- body wanted to speak at the same time ; so the necessity for parliamentary methods soon made itself felt. We abandoned our original project of a tramp over the moors, settled down under a group of trees, with myself as Chairman of our impromptu Parlia- ment. Needless to say that every conceivable phase of the social problem was discussed, and that there were as many remedies proposed as there were speakers. My task as Chairman was not always an easy one ; at times I had great difficulty in curbing the impatience of those whose dissent from the views propounded manifested itself in a manner not strictly parliamentary. But on the whole things passed off very well; and an animated, and not altogether profitless discussion was carried on, until we were reminded by the setting sun that it was time to return.

By the time I arrived home that evening my head was whirling. Although I had not joined in the discussion itself, I had been an attentive listener to the several views that had been propounded, some of them with great ability. There was plenty to stimulate thought notwithstanding, or I should rather say because of, the irreconcilable inferences drawn by several speakers, with equal skill and plausibility, from the same group of facts.

Against my will, I could not but try to harmonise in my mind these conflicting statements, and to separate facts from inferences. But the more I thought, the greater became my confusion. One thing, however, struck me very forcibly, and that was that each of the various schools of political thought had a certain substratum of truth not to be ignored. I recognised that each of them saw the same truth, but saw part of it only, and that from this partial recognition arose all the confusion. As is usual in such discussions, they had all paid more attention to their points of disagreement than to those on which they agreed, and so the latter were overlooked, while the former were accentuated. And I could not but feel how detrimental this was to their common aim, and how far better it would be for the cause of humanity if, instead of uncompromisingly opposing one another, the members of all the different schools would seek to ascertain how far they could honestly support each other's plans.

As I sat in my easy chair that evening, reflecting over the day's proceedings, my thoughts became more and more confused. Time and space seemed annihilated. Scene after scene passed before my vision in rapid succession, until at last I found myself in Trafalgar Square, in the midst of a surging, noisy crowd, and then all became clear and natural.

I knew what had happened. There had been a General Election, Democracy had been triumphant, and the people had assembled here to determine the kind of reform that was needed to secure equal rights and duties to all. All kinds of proposals were being made, but none met with general approval; and the people were beginning in despair to exclaim that Democracy was a failure, since its leaders could not agree on a workable plan. I trembled, for I saw that unless some agreement between the different factions could be brought about, the cause of Democracy might be discredited for all future time. With the intention of bringing about such a reconciliation, I forced myself on to the platform, and spoke as follows:

"Friends, do not despair; your differences are not so great as you seem to think, for are not your aims identical ? Your only differences are as to the means to be adopted for carrying them into effect."

Here I was interrupted by shouts "That's just the trouble. And if we don't know what means to adopt, how can we govern the country?"

"That's very simple," I said.

"Do it, then!" they all shouted at once.

"But I have not the power. I only intended to make suggestions." The latter part of my remark was drowned in the noise.

"Let's give him the power!"

"If he says he can do it, let him do it!"

"Let us elect him Lord Protector!" and other such cries reached my ears.

I waved my hands, trying to restore silence, and to explain that I did not intend to be Lord Protector; that such a course would be contrary to the spirit of Democracy; that, instead of Democracy, it would be establishing a Dictatorship, which would be undesirable. But I could not make myself heard to the crowd, while the leaders on the platform, as if glad to be relieved of a responsibility, said, in a menacing manner, "You are not going to back out of this"; whilst the Chairman, telling me to sit down, rose and read from a paper in his hand as follows:

"Be it enacted by the Democracy of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, that Citizen" here there were shouts of joy, and I only caught the concluding sentence, "be Lord Protector"

"Say, rather, Dictator," I interrupted indignantly.

But the Chairman took no notice of my remark, and repeated, "Be Lord Protector of the Realm." Then he added, "All those in favour of same, please signify in the usual manner."

A forest of hands such as I have seen on one or two occasions in Trafalgar Square, went up.

Thus, unexpectedly and against my wish, I was made absolute Dictator of the United Kingdom.

II / THE NEW CONSTITUTION

MY sudden elevation to the exalted office of Lord Protector displeased me as much as it seemed to give general satisfaction.

"What mockery," I thought to myself, "that the triumph of Democracy should end in a Dictatorship; and I, of all men, to be Dictator!"

How often had I not inveighed against monarchial institutions and "one-man worship" of any kind, as being of the essence of despotism. And how often had I not wished to be absolute monarch for a few hours only, so that I might have power to resign for myself, heirs, and successors, and make monarchial rule impossible for all future times. My wishes had been realised, and now was my opportunity to redeem my promise.

My first thought was to jump up, and, in virtue of my new office, to declare the Republic for all future time. In the next moment I hesitated. How is a Republic possible with such discordant elements, trained for centuries in a school inimical to Republican institutions? No! that would mean a return to confusion. My first duty was to make of the people Republicans. If I should succeed in this, then the Republic would follow as a matter of course.

"A speech! A speech!" shouted the impatient masses. There was no escape, and but little time for reflection. I had boasted that I could establish happiness, prosperity, and, above all things, unanimity; and this promise must be made good. I rose and said

"I am willing to be your servant and manage the affairs of State for you, but not as a Tsar of Russia. To this end it is not enough that you invest me with power to act; you must also define my duties. In other words, you must frame a Constitution of which I am to be the executor."

Shouts of approbation came from all sides. They actually were all agreed. "A Constitution" "Frame one" "Suggest one," and so forth, came from the crowd.

"There is no need to frame one, as the only Constitution worthy of the name and worthy of a true Democracy is indelibly written in every heart. See whether I am speaking the truth whether your hearts will not respond. You all desire to be free. Is that not so?"

Never was there a more hearty response made by a crowd than the one with which these words were greeted.

"Well, then," I continued, "our Constitution will be very brief, and one with the wording of which you are already familiar, though not with its spirit. It runs as follows: 'Every individual to have equal and inalienable rights to life, to liberty, and to the pursuit of happiness!'

Again all agreed, and cheered lustily.

"This, then, shall be our Constitution, and all the law there is or shall be. It clearly defines the rights and duties of every citizen, and at the same time marks out the duties which you have delegated to me."

This last sentence was received in profound silence. I saw that it was not quite clear to them how these few words could have all the meaning I attributed to them. Therefore, without appearing to notice their embarrassment, I continued

"If all have an equal right to life, to liberty, and to the pursuit of happiness, then it is clear that no one must be interfered with in the exercise of this right. Therefore, while free to do as you please, you must allow the equal liberty to every one of your neighbours."

"Hear, hear," from all sides.

"So that your duties consist in respecting these rights of your neighbours. And my duty consists in guarding these rights, and in securing them, without exception, to every individual member of the State."

Once more I had the assembly with me.

"This Constitution shall not only be our one valid law, but the very touchstone of right and wrong. Any enactment of the Executive, or any private act, by whomsoever committed, that runs counter to this Constitution, shall be deemed an offence not to be tolerated! This is my first official proclamation. My second is, that all men shall have equally free access to the opportunities of Nature, and that because without such access to the sources of Nature the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness is impossible."

"Equally free access to the opportunities of Nature! Yes, that's what we want, but how can we all have it?" interrupted several.

"Wait and you will see," I replied, and then continued

"My third proclamation prohibits, as a matter of course, any person or persons to take from any other person or persons the fruits of their exertions under any pretence whatever, except as the voluntary gift of him to whom such things rightfully belong. Therefore, from this hour I abolish all taxes whatever, direct or indirect."

This announcement created both surprise and dissatisfaction. "You can't govern a State without revenue," came from all sides.

"No," I answered. "But the State is not without revenue. For inasmuch as the opportunities of Nature belong to all alike; and inasmuch as, in the nature of things, each separate opportunity cannot be enjoyed by several at the same time. ..."

"Speak plain!" "We do not understand your riddles," and like protests, reached me from several sides at the same time.

"Well, then," I said, "what are called 'the opportunities of Nature' consist in soil, climate, locality, water, etc.; in short, the forces of Nature, all of which appertain to land. But the same locality cannot, obviously, be occupied by more than one person or family. Such person or family, therefore, in order to secure to them the harvest of their labours, must be secured the exclusive occupation of such locality. But inasmuch as thereby they enjoy a monopoly of such land, each occupier will have to pay to the community whatever may be the value of the advantages that accrue to him from such exclusive occupation."

"This is very confusing," remonstrated several.

"Plainly, then, it means this, that all former taxes are abolished, and in their stead is substituted a tax on land values, irrespective of improvements, at the rate of twenty shillings in the pound. These values rightfully belong to all; hence they will be appropriated to defray the necessary public expenditure; thus securing for public uses what is essentially a public fund. All former contracts, unless conflicting with our Constitution, shall be respected as heretofore ; and no one to be disturbed in his present possessions. This is all for the present."

This announcement produced general dissatisfaction, and the crowd became very noisy.

"What! Tax the poor farmer, and allow the capitalist to escape?"

"And still allow the workers to be ground down by the rich?"

"Not even a property or income tax?"

These and many other objections were raised, to reply to which, amidst such a tumult, was clearly out of the question. I had to make use, therefore, of the authority with which I had been invested. After the noise had somewhat subsided I said

"You have imposed upon me the duty to secure to all equal rights and equal duties. I have told you the only way in which this can be done. If I am wrong, the remedy lies in your own hands. Anyone who can show that he does not possess the liberties guaranteed to him by the Constitution shall have his grievance removed. For this purpose I shall now retire to my office and listen, one by one, to all those who have cause to complain."

Whereupon I left the platform, followed by a surging crowd.