The Chance of Prosperity --
Part 2: The Barriers to Production
Anthony J. Carter
[Reprinted from Land & Liberty,
November-December, 1971]
WE HAVE become so used to economic stagnation or at least low rates
of economic growth that the goal of steady, sustained expansion seems
remote. Wise men shake their heads and wonder how it can be obtained,
while some in the Treasury find the prospect of expansion so full of
dangers that they would apparently prefer a safe stagnation. It is
therefore important to remind ourselves how vital economic growth is,
to shake off our mood of apathy, and to strengthen our determination
to improve our position.
Economic growth means, or could mean, a rise in the living standards
of the people, with all that implies for their material well-being,
their happiness, and the quality of their lives. It means the ability
to give more help to those in need. It means the capacity to increase
public expenditure or reduce taxation, depending on one's political
viewpoint. It means that whatever role Britain chooses to play in the
world will have stronger economic backing. Perhaps most significant,
it means that attempts to secure an equitable distribution of
wealth will stand more chance of success.
In seeking prosperity it is first necessary to be clear where
intervention is needed in the economy and where it is not. The waters
of a river do not need to be taught how to flow. If the current is
sluggish the prudent irrigator cuts the weeds and dredges the silt.
The potential increase in wealth and leisure is still enormous. Even
man in his primitive state could provide himself with food, clothing,
and shelter. With the increase in population, the intricate division
of labour, the extensive use of tools and machinery, the growth in
international trade, and now the arrival of computers and automation,
we should marvel that our standard of living is not far higher and our
economy far more robust than it is. Instead, we have had appalling
industrial depressions, unemployment, poverty, and squalor. What has
caused the natural path of progress to be so dreadfully disfigured?
Whatever the situation may be in the future (and I pronounce no
judgement on that), there has not been in the past, and is not now, a
shortage of natural resources. There is no lack of the desire for more
goods and services, nor of the ability and willingness of man to work.
There is no lack of the technology to help him. If natural development
is checked it must be because there is a barrier between natural
resources and the application to them of human effort aided by
technology. The way to economic health and expansion begins with the
identification and removal of this barrier to production.
In a modern industrial society the supreme importance of access to
natural resources is commonly overlooked. People who work on natural
resources directly, in agriculture, or mining, are few. The denial of
access to these resources does not, on the face of it, affect the
employment of the building labourer, the man on the assembly belt, or
the clerk in his office. Yet the state of the whole economy does
depend on the health of the primary industries. Services are paid for
out of manufactured wealth, and all phases of manufacture, including
marketing and organization, are ultimately dependent on the flow of
raw materials. If, for example, there were an interruption in the
supply of timber, this would affect not only the employment of
carpenters but also that of furniture salesmen. If there were an
interruption in the supply of coal and oil there would soon be cuts in
power and transport. If there were an interruption in the supply of
iron, steelmaking would be curtailed and ships, aeroplanes, machinery,
and much else besides could not be built. If there is an interruption
in the supply of land for building, all kinds of industrial and
business activity will be held up. Finally, an interruption in the
supply of water would not only disrupt production but threaten human
life itself.
It will be seen, therefore, that any society, however advanced, is
utterly dependent on the free access of its people to natural
resources and in particular to land surface which gives access to all
other natural resources. (Land was defined by the classical economists
to include what is above it and below it and the natural elements that
affect it.) Where, as in India, land is monopolized by a few, those
few become very rich, but there is the most acute and widespread
poverty because although there is a vast area of land capable of
exploitation, and a vast population to exploit it, there is very
little access of one to the other. Where land is in much wider
ownership, as in Britain, the extremes are much less, but the same
principle applies. To attain natural economic growth and full
employment there are many measures required but the very first of them
is to secure the free access of people to land. Without that
foundation all other policies will fail.
Many countries have plans to spread the ownership of land by dividing
holdings into smaller units. This approach, though helpful in some
circumstances, is unsound economically and does not meet the needs of
an industrialized country like Britain. Access to land can be
physically denied by virtue of ownership, but equally potent as a
barrier is the price of land, which can and does rise to a level that
producers cannot afford to pay.
When the economy is booming land prices rise steeply. Owners who
might otherwise release their land for use hold it off the market to
seek a profit from the increase in its value. The more this is done
the greater the shortage of available land, and the greater the rise
in prices, which in turn makes speculation even more attractive. With
commodities, high prices call forth more production and this brings
prices down again, but one cannot produce more land. There is no
restraint on the artificial increase in price which must eventually
reach a point at which it renders the cost of production prohibitive.
It is then inevitable that there are cutbacks in production, closures,
and possibly a full-scale depression in which only the dragging down
of land prices makes production profitable again. This is the true
explanation for the business cycle of boom and slump and the scourge
of mass unemployment.
Does free access to land imply an end to private ownership, and if so
is the only alternative nationalization, which would give governments
complete control over land use?
There are two principal aspects of ownership of land: one is the
choice of what to do with it, and the other is the enjoyment of its
value. It is perfectly possible to preserve the first of these while
acting to prevent the second. This can be done by assessing the value
of all land, apart from improvements, and placing a tax on it.
The effect of taxing the value of land would be to reduce its price.
If, for instance, a site is capable when put to its optimum use of
yielding an income of £1,000 per annum it will have a selling
price which is the capitalized value of that figure, say at present £12,500
(the sum which if invested at 8 per cent would yield £1,000),
plus a speculative element of perhaps £2,500, a total of £15,000.
A tax of 50 per cent on the rental value of £1,000 would reduce
the income of the owner of the site to £500 and the selling price
from £15,000 to £7,500. A tax of 100 per cent would reduce
the income and consequently the price to nil, and land would cease to
have a value apart from its value in use. Private possession of land
would still be guaranteed, but there would be no advantage in holding
land out of use for an increase in its value and, on the contrary, a
strong inducement to put it to its fullest use in order to pay the
tax. The result would be a substantial increase in the amount of land
available for production.
With the underlying barrier to production removed, the ordinary
workings of a free market economy should ensure that when resources
are available and there is profit to be derived from their use they
will be used. There are, however, certain interferences with the
operation of a free market, one of the most important of which is
taxation. Taxation can influence the use of all resources - natural,
human, and capital - and to attain prolonged economic growth through
the maximum use of resources the right taxation policy is essential.
The effect of a tax on land values, as indicated above, is to
encourage the availability and more intensive use of land. In this, it
is one of the rare examples of a tax whose effects are positive rather
than negative. Conversely, the effect of taxes on wages and interest
is to retard the most effective employment of labour, capital, and
enterprise. Hard work, responsibility, skill and training, initiative,
investment, innovation, and risk-taking are all discouraged by a
reduction in the net returns they can earn. The conclusion is obvious:
that the introduction of a tax on land values should be accompanied by
the simultaneous reduction of taxation on labour and its products and
on capital.
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