Henry George and Rudolf Steiner
A Meeting of Minds
Carl Flygt
[This article was submitted as a paper to the
Associative Economics Summit held in Caturbunt, England, June 1996.
Reprinted in Quicksilver, Winter 2001-2002]
My eyes were opened when I first read Henry George. Suddenly I had an
economic explanation for why modern man has lost his soul, his sense
of ease, wholeness, mystery and profundity. I could understand in
concrete terms why the people I met and knew were full of conceit and
vanity, of angular superficiality, of debasement and shame, without
emotional subtlety in their expression, incapable of objectivity in
their thinking, loudly cynical and humourlessly fearful. I could see
also why I shared these qualities. From George I could understand that
we had all accepted something radically wrong in our social contract,
that in giving up many of our personal liberties in exchange for the
greater liberties afforded by society, we had also given up an
immensely great freedom, a spiritual freedom. Furthermore, and most
amazing to me, we had no idea that we had done it.
What is this spiritual freedom we have lost through economic error?
It is the freedom possessed in rudimentary form by the indigenous
peoples of the world before their way of life was lost to economic
development. It is the freedom of man in harmony with, nature and the
world soul, the free cultural life of the natural man in rational and
reverent exchange with forces he understands or at least knows
intimately and respects. As Henry George put it, it is the freedom of
a man in full possession of the rights to his labour and to the fruits
of that labour.
LABOUR
What is labour? It is the basic factor of economic production. It is
the mechanism and impetus behind the cultural and spiritual ascent of
man. It is the activity which transforms raw nature into something of
value, something of use and possibility. Properly speaking, it is a
man's initiative, his satisfaction in what he alone can make manifest,
his art and gesture on behalf of a brotherhood of others. As such,
labour is at once the archetypal free activity and the basis for all
the sophistication of culture and civilization.
Henry George, himself a laissez-faire capitalist, showed nevertheless
that as a matter of wrong economic thinking and wrong moral judgment,
the right to labour has been lost" More accurately, it bas been
lost by some and appropriated by others. This is an objective fact.
Those who live and labour at subsistence, without resources for a free
spiritual life mediated by culture, actually endure a form of slavery.
This economically unnecessary maldistribution of freedom or wealth has
an archetypal form: the organised robbery of war and conquest, the
rights and power of the king.
Land is the basic economic resource. Anyone with the impulse to
labour can transform land, with appropriate application of
intelligence, into something of value. This is the right and natural
source of a society's wealth. The error is in the rights to land. It
is to think of land as a commodity, as itself something with a value,
as_something one-can__ _ appropriate in itself to oneself, as a king
might, as something that can be capitalised. This insight is at once
economic and moral. The supply of land is fixed. Land cannot be
created, and we each have an equal right to it. There is only one
earth, and it does not belong to us; rather, we belong to it. We are
each only a guest here for a very short time. This is a great and
profound truth, if only we had time for it. This is the intuition that
the economics of war has extinguished from our thinking and from our
sense of ourselves.
Something evil happens when we extend the mentality of conquest and
arbitrary possession into times of economic progress. If we think we
can own rights to land as we may indeed own rights to labour, or at
least to its products, the economic value of the land increases
catastrophically. A positive feedback is set in motion, for if we are
both intelligent and acquisitive, by nature or by weakness of
spiritual impulse, we grab the land because it will be worth more next
year without the need to apply labour to it. The more land is withheld
from production, the more its value increases. We learn to seek and to
exploit the unearned increment of a public value for private and
illusory ends, and then we forget that in doing so we are undermining
the free cultural life, the nature and sustenance of our souls. Entire
industries thus develop from activities that produce nothing real
except moral degradation.
This is the model we accept. The pure landlord is enriched, the pure
labourer impoverished. The moral degradation of both must follow. It
is a terrible wrong based on a misunderstanding of economics itself.
Land is not a commodity because it is not renewable. Its value is a
public surplus, like air, freely given to us all according to our
individual capacity to derive benefit from it. The value of land is
not really an economic value at all. It is a cultural value, an
enormous wealth wrongly bound up today in forms and instruments that
serve various specialised segments of society in merely subjective and
degraded ways. The economic, moral and spiritual imbalance in this
world is based in large part on ignorance of this economic truth.
LAND TAX
What solution does Henry George offer? It is a direct and startling
political solution whose economic logic has never been refuted. George
says the public community which gives value to the land should
appropriate any value which has accrued to the land beyond its
productive value through a simple tax. This land value tax is a
conception of utmost simplicity and equity. Under such legislation, it
would be too expensive to put land to any use other than the best one
possible. Instead of setting a drag on economic activity, as all other
forms of taxation do, it would act as a stimulus to economic activity.
By forcing the most efficient use of land possible, it would eliminate
(or would have eliminated if applied early enough) the horrible
tendency to urban sprawl, and would spawn a new, socially based
architecture. As a corollary, it would stimulate a new agrarianism, a
renewed attentiveness to the soil, its cycles, and our relationship to
its living force. It would tend to eliminate many forms of
nonproductive economic activity, encouraging a valuation of real
production with the natural outcome of an economics of brotherhood,
sharing, and cooperation. George's is the literal vision of the City
of God on earth, of peace, prosperity and transparent human
consciousness brought about by a simple but radical correction in the
way we think about and do economics.
How can we picture or think about what such an economic adjustment
necessarily would mean for the social life? In a world where the
production of wealth was linked directly to the individual's
initiative, ingenuity, and love of the deed, human values, human
consciousness, and even human evolution would experience a benign
impetus. In that world, by degrees and over time, there would emerge
in the human being the absence of subjective self consciousness. Man
would no longer have an inner life because he would not need one!
Instead, all the care for material life that today occupies the soul
would be displaced by spiritual influences coming from the undistorted
self-nature of other beings. Existence would become pure delight, in
one sense an extreme simplicity, free of time, a subtle current of
moment to moment emergence without beginning or end. Material nature
would simply and ethically be mastered as an adjunct to man's interest
and absorption in the spiritual.
Every outward impulse of the soul or self-nature would then be
tantamount to a work of art, a complete and self-subsistent moment
Universal access to the means to produce wealth, the rights to labour,
would simultaneously slow and expand the experience of time. Man would
come under the direct influence of the moral law. He finally and
unequivocally would know what it is that he wants, would find the
voice and the politics to express it, and would support that
expression culturally. There would be no exploitation of one another,
no want or misery, no overpowering urgency to compete. Each person
would be expected to become and would be supported in becoming a whole
being with nothing left out, nothing withheld. There would be nothing
lazy about this world! From this great Work of Man the order of the
world soul, the world of nature, would follow spontaneously,
harmoniously with reverence and wonder in its own beholding. This is
the challenge of Henry George's economics!
GEORGE AND STEINER
Rudolf Steiner, who saw deeply into the processes of nature and
culture, believed that if the economic process itself could be
adequately observed by those participating in it, it would correct
itself if it were out of balance. Such observation and economic
judgment is the basis of Steiner's call for free associations within
the social sphere, and it depends on a certain universalism, a "freedom
of the hands" as Steiner says, on the part of each individual
participating in the association, and on that individual's capacity
for rational thinking. Ultimately, says Steiner, the whole social
order must originate from the insights of the associations.
Two salient principles emerge from Steiner's economic analysis. One
is a direct reflection of Henry George: land must not be allowed to
trap capital. Such a situation, Steiner says, is unhealthy, a
stagnation, a congestion of material and economic flow. The second
principle is that all true (productive) economic activity is future
oriented. This is especially true of the spiritual and cultural
activity of free human beings. Such activity is a fertilising
influence on that which enters the material process of production, and
its value is incalculable. It goes without saying that such freed
activity must be supported and encouraged in all ways possible.
Significantly, Steiner finds the legislative (tax) solution to the
land question that Henry George proposed to be unworkable. Presumably
it is too threatening, too radical a remedy for an age old and
defining characteristic of human beings -the inevitable refuge of self
interest, the organic grip of self -possession. Steiner's methods were
anything but threatening or dangerous. Instead, Steiner says, let the
associations find the connection between land rents and economic
imbalance. Then there will be the "very definite possibility"
of transferring unearned rents (in the form of gifts!) to those whose
activity is freed. Nothing is forced on an unwilling, confused or
hostile population. No future plans are scuttled. Only an appeal
through reason to the moral intuition and good will of man, and to the
grand possibility of a universal human society under the spiritual
laws of an immensely greater world of natural profundity, abundant
sustenance, and objective significance.
REFERENCES:
- Progress and Poverty: An Enquiry into the Cause of
Industrial Depressions and of the Increase of Want with Increase
of Wealth, H. George, Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, New
York, 1985.
- Social Problems, H. George, Robert Schalkenbach
Foundation, New York, 1966.
- Economics: The World as One Economy, R. Steiner, New
Economy Publications, Canterbury, England, 1993.
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