The Road To Peace
Charles O'Connor Hennessy
[Excerpts from an address delivered at the
International conference of the followers of Henry George, Copenhagen,
Denmark, July 1926. Printed by the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation, New
York]
In America this year we are celebrating the 150th anniversary of the
promulgation of the Declaration of Independence, and I can think of no
better statement of the true function of government than that written
by Thomas Jefferson into that classic document: that just government,
resting upon the consent of the governed, exists to establish and
maintain the natural rights of man, to life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness.
But we have now come to perceive that social injustice, founded upon
special privileges to the few, may exist under democratic forms as
much as under those forms where the powers of government are less
dependent upon the popular will. We have discovered that political
freedom and democracy is not enough, and that without economic freedom
no other freedom can be significant or lasting. I believe there is
more than the wisdom of the cynic in the epigram of Pope: --
"For forms of government let fools contest Whate'er
is best administered is best."
We are not greatly concerned, therefore, with the form in which
government expresses itself. We are concerned with its effects upon
the people governed. The great work before us is the work of education
-- of enlightening the minds of so that they may exercise political
power intelligently and righteously. Over and over again Henry George
pointed to the fact that the power to bring about social and political
reforms rests with the masses of men in every country. If the masses
of men are victims of social injustice sanctioned by law, they have
the power to compel their rulers to alter the law. This task should be
easiest, of course, in countries like Denmark with democratic
political institutions, where government usually reflects the popular
will; but even in those countries where the absolutism of a military
dictator is now, for the time being, the IHW of the land, no popular
demand for social justice can long be denied. When peoples, therefore,
continue to suffer and submit to injustice, it is generally because
ignorance or shortsighted selfishness blinds them to their true
political interests. It is our great aim to lead men to see the truth
that will set them free.
But we must be more than idealists; we must be practical reformers.
For, as the power to retard as well as to advance social justice is
also with the masses of men in every land, we who would lead the way
to economic emancipation may not travel any farther or faster than the
minds of men will go with us. Henry George, philosopher and statesman
that he was, realized how slow are the processes through which
economic truth finds ultimate acceptance, in the world, when it is
opposed not only by powerful privileged classes but must also struggle
against the indifference, perversity, and stupidity of those who
suffer most greatly from unjust laws. So he warned the impatient among
us in these words: --
"Social reform is not to be secured by noise and
shouting, by complaints and denunciations, by the formation of
parties, or the making of revolutions; but by the awakening of
thought and the progress of ideas. Until there be correct thought
there cannot be right action; and when there is correct thought,
right action will follow."
Our great teacher not only clearly delineated the social ills which
in every land flow from the monopoly by a few of the natural resources
which are rightfully the inheritance of all, but he showed the simple
and practical road that statesmanship may follow to redress the errors
of the past. This way is through the Taxation of Land Values and Free
Trade, for the promotion of which this Conference has been assembled.
We propose no sudden and revolutionary program, irreconcilable with
the prevailing governmental machinery for raising public revenue. We
are familiar enough with history and with human psychology to know
that enduring social and political reforms are effected by
evolutionary processes, and only as men's minds are brought to
apprehend the meaning and direction of the forward steps they are
asked to take. We favour no short cut to the Promised Land, because as
practical men we know there isn't any. We realize that we have a
considerable distance to go, and we know we cannot take the last step
first. And experience has taught us that the distance we cover may not
be so important as the direction in which we are going. If the
direction is right, every step forward will make it easier to take the
next step, and the next, until the end that we seek is reached.
We propose then, as a first step, that every Government should employ
the taxing power so as to take from landowners through annual
contributions to the public revenues, some part of those values which
may attach to land by reason of the competition for its use made
necessary by the growth and activities of the community. And, further,
we propose that, gradually, the taxes imposed upon land values be
increased, as public opinion may approve and governmental needs may
require, until substantially the entire economic rent of land, a
product of society, is absorbed for public needs and purposes. Thus,
proceeding along lines of least resistance, and according with
perceptions of political expediency as well as justice, we plan
ultimately to recover and establish for all mankind their common and
equal rights to the use of the earth. In reaching this end we would
take from no man that which he has created, but would take only the
common property for common uses. Incidentally, it is our purpose, as
fast as Governments are educated to resort to socially created land
values as the convenient and proper source of public revenues, that,
one by one, all other taxes now imposed that interfere with the
freedom of production and exchange, be remitted or abolished. This is
what we mean by Free Trade. We would gradually wipe out every tax,
tariff or impost at home or abroad that hampers the freedom of men to
work and exchange the products of their labour.
We believe that free commerce between the peoples of the earth would
be the greatest civilizing influence that the world could know. As it
would mean the free exchange of goods for goods, of services for
services, it would serve increasingly to promote those friendly human
contacts and understandings that lead to an ultimate appreciation of
the essential kinship of all mankind. Untaxed and unrestricted trade
would put an end to the isolation or the self-sufficiency of any
nation. It would in time bring into being a league of peoples, more
potent for peace than any league of political Governments could be. It
would build the straight road to disarmament of nations by first
disarming the minds of their peoples of the fears, suspicions and
antipathies that now naturally grow out of the selfish national
policies that seek to benefit one people by inflicting injury upon
another.
Finally, we propose to end the curse of war, with all its barbarities
and brutalities, and its grievous burdens upon the backs of the
workers of the world, by leading nations to recognize and remove the
true causes of international contention and strife. These have their
roots not alone in hostile tariffs and the struggle for markets, but
in the economic imperialism which exploits the natural resources of
distant and undeveloped lands for the enrichment of favoured groups of
capitalists at home.
In the promise of world peace heralded to the world from Locarno last
October, and still unratified, we are unable to see more than a
gesture of worthy intention and good will. But surely good will is not
enough, when the conditions that make for ill will still remain. These
conditions, we are endeavoring to make plain, are economic in their
character, and until they are finally removed the menace of new wars
will remain with the world.
We are grateful to those men of energy and vision in Denmark and in
Great Britain who have brought us together here to discuss these
matters of vital interest to civilized life everywhere in the world.
And let me, in closing, express the hope that as this gathering is the
natural and logical successor of the significant Conference held at
Oxford three years ago, so may this Conference lead to many another
with similar outlook and aims. Let us spread the light. The truth that
Henry George sought to make plain is for all nations and all
generations of men. Let us then see to it that before this Conference
adjourns and its members scatter to their homes in distant lands, we
devise some means and ways to perpetuate our work. Let us form at
least the nucleus of an international organization, through which we
may enlist the interest and cooperation of lovers of economic justice
in every land.
Let us project a new sort of league -- a league to promote the
establishment of economic freedom and justice for the peoples of the
whole world.
In every civilized land are to be found followers of Henry George,
men and women who have had the vision of a better day for all
humanity. In every land are people who not only see the goal at which
we aim, but who understand the simple, practical, political steps
through which our end is to be attained. Let us seek out these
comrades in the cause, whatever their race or homeland may be, and in
the spirit which Henry George invoked, of the Fatherhood of God and
the brotherhood of all men, let us summon them to join us in the noble
enterprise of bringing to the people of a troubled world our plan of
establishing peace, justice and prosperity, by setting the whole world
free.
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