The Condition of Labour Today
Ronald E. Johnson
[2012]
I am grateful to speak at this Conference and I would like to thank
Faye and Richard Giles, Tony Fitzgerald and the team in NSW for a
great effort in bringing it all together. I am very much looking
forward to hearing the other speakers this weekend and hopefully
learning from those talks and other conversations about how we might
better direct our energy towards achieving a free and just society.
On 11 September this year it will be exactly 120 years since Henry
George concluded writing his inspirational work, The Condition of
Labour- An Open Letter to Pope Leo XIII.
The title of my talk is "The Condition of Labour Today".
My approach here is not to try to improve upon or update the work of
Henry George. Rather, I will highlight aspects of contemporary Social
and Industrial Relations, with particular reference to Australia, to
illustrate my belief that the moral principles and economic ideas
outlined by George have a timeless and crucial relevance to humanity's
capacity to survive and prosper on Earth.
At the foundation of George's message is the Golden Rule, which he
described in the following way: "the teaching of Christ that we
should do to others as we would have them do to us, which a true
political economy shows is the only way to the full emancipation of
the masses."
The Condition of Labour is the first book by Henry George that
I ever read and in 1997 when the book found me, arising from a few
years work as a professional union activist, I just happened to be
feeling disillusioned with the limits of trade unionism as a means of
achieving justice for working people and at the same time found that
circumstances caused me to seriously consider that perhaps God was
indeed real and might be able to help me to get my life back on the
right path.
For me, The Condition of Labour was exactly the right book at the
right time. The book helped me to restore my faith in God and it gave
me hope that we could do something to overcome poverty, injustice and
warfare. The Condition of Labour caused me to re-consider my
views about socialism, communism, The Welfare State and Protectionism.
This book gave me the confidence to eventually abandon my simplistic
adherence to the idea that religion was just "the opiate of the
masses". For the first time I began to understand the
fundamentals of political economy, property rights and the effects of
taxation.
To this day, I believe that The Condition of Labour is simply
the best book on Industrial Relations that I have seen by a country
mile.
In The Condition of Labour, Henry George reveals to his
reader simple truths: about how we all need access to land in order to
work and to live; about God's law of labour that we must live by the
sweat of our brow; about the fact that it is labour or work that
confers the right to own wealth; and about how the system of the
private ownership of land turns all of that upside down by denying
equal rights to the Earth, (as George wrote) attaching "to things
created by God the same right of private ownership that justly
attaches to things produced by labour", and thereby causing those
who live by their labour to be robbed by those who make economic gains
through the private ownership of land.
Early on in The Condition of Labour Henry George explains the
natural law of rent, that is, the idea that as society advances, this
progress is reflected in increasing land values, wherein lies a great
fund that belongs to the community and which should be taken by the
State for the benefit of all. George also sets the record straight
about God's role in human poverty:
"We see that God in His dealings with men has not
been a bungler or a niggard; that He has not brought too many men
into the world; that he has not neglected abundantly to supply them;
that he has not intended that bitter competition of the masses for a
mere animal existence, and that monstrous aggregation of wealth
which characterise our civilisation; but that these evils, which
lead so many to say there is no God, or yet more impiously to say
that they are God's ordering, are due to our denial of His moral
law. We see that the law of justice, the law of the Golden Rule, is
not a mere counsel of perfection, but indeed the law of social life.
We see that, if we were only to observe it, there would be work for
all, leisure for all, abundance for all; and that civilisation would
tend to give to the poorest not only necessaries, but all comforts
and reasonable luxuries as well. We see that Christ was not a mere
dreamer when He told men that, if they would seek the Kingdom of God
and its right doing, they might no more worry about material things
than do the lilies of the field about their raiment; but that he was
only declaring what political economy, in light of modern discovery,
shows to be a sober truth."
The ideas and principles enunciated by Pope Leo in Rerum Novarum and
reinforced in subsequent Encyclicals have had a major impact on social
and economic conditions and the functions and structures of the State
(especially in the Western World) throughout the 20th Century and into
this current Century. We have enshrined the idea enunciated in Rerum
Novarum of the "inviolability of private property",
including unfortunately, private property in land. In his New College
Lecture on "Church and State: Christianity and Politics",
delivered by Kevin Rudd MP in October 2005, Mr. Rudd drew a stark
contrast between the proposed Howard Government WorkChoices
legislation and more than a century of Catholic social teaching. He
asked, "How does it [WorkChoices] square with Pope Leo XIII's
Encyclical of 1891, Rerum Novarum, which states: 'it is a
natural human right to form professional associations of workers'?"
Mr Rudd continued:
"My point
is that the core documents of
Catholic Social teaching in no way seek to marginalise the role of
trade unions. Nor do they seek to marginalise the role of the State
in bringing about a fair industrial system through instrumentalities
such as an independent industrial commission. In fact, the reverse."
Mr Rudd and the ALP won the election in 2007 on a wave of union,
church and public protest essentially calling for a return to the
industrial relations legislated rights and structures that embodied
20th Century Australian Industrial Relations. The Rights at Work that
the labour movement fought for included: the restoration of a strong
independent industrial tribunal with the capacity to conciliate and
arbitrate industrial disputes and to determine a fair minimum wage;
The right of workers to freely join a union and participate in union
activities, including collective bargaining and legally protected
industrial action; Further, the right to a fair safety net of award
conditions and the right to protection against unfair dismissal.
There may be some argument about the extent to which the Labor
Government's Fair Work Act 2009 has secured these reforms. However,
there has been a general shift back towards these legal rights and
structures, albeit within a different constitutional framework and a
difficult economic environment.
However, the important thing to note in this context is that the
legal rights that the labour movement pressed so hard for in the lead
up to the 2007 Federal Election and as at least partially reflected in
the Fair Work Act 2009, are essentially closely aligned with the ideas
of a fair system for workers set out by Pope Leo XIII in Rerum
Novarum. As well as supporting the right to private property,
including in land in Rerum Novarum, Pope Leo XIII supports the
idea of a redistributive Welfare State that collects a "just"
rate of taxation, charity, trade unionism (provided they do not go too
far), limited State regulation of Industrial Relations through dispute
settlement, the establishment of a fair minimum wage ("enough to
support the wage earner in reasonable and frugal comfort") and
safe and fair working hours and conditions.
From the worker or trade unionist's point of view, the key lesson
that arises from a study of The Condition of Labour is that
the Rights at Work that we have struggled to hold for over one hundred
years, are really 'concession rights', settled by way of a regulatory
compromise between the establishment (with some help from the Church)
and labour representatives. These concession rights have been socially
important and remain so in the absence of the true justice embodied in
realising equal rights to land. However, they can never be more than a
far inferior substitute for justice.
In The Condition of Labour Henry George wrote:
"
since labour must find its workshop and
reservoir in land, the labour question is but another name for the
land question
" (P.62).
He added:
"What is wrong with the condition of labour through
the Christian world is, that labour is robbed." (P.85). That
remains true today:
As Jeff Lawrence, ACTU Secretary pointed out on 30 June this year:
"Over half of full-time workers in Australia earn
less than $55,000... In the first eighteen months of the Fair Work
Act, profits grew more than twice as fast as the total wages bill in
the market sector."
Workers engaged through their unions in the struggle for justice at
work find themselves in the middle of a narrow argument about state
regulation and the rules for collective bargaining. This is an
argument almost completely removed and diverted from the essential,
substantive and supremely important debate about the natural rights of
workers. One illustration of the narrow parameters, (relative to a
proper consideration of natural rights) involved in this debate is the
recent criticism of the NSW Liberal Government by the Federal Labor
Government for imposing a 2.5% cap on pay increases for NSW State
public servants. Yet at the same time, the Federal Labor Government is
seeking to impose a 3% pay cap on its own public servants. Here we
have an argument about the degree to which real wages should be cut.
The story of Australian industrial relations and the social and
economic conditions of the past 120 years demonstrates the limited
successes of Conciliation and Arbitration, Trade Unionism and the
Welfare State under a system that re-enforces the private ownership of
land. Debates about justice at work have been pushed to the margins.
Meanwhile, at the epicentre of political economy, land monopoly and
the taxation of labour and its products are stealthily wrecking our
economy, driving down wages and facilitating by legal means, the theft
of working people's rightful wages.
The Condition of Labour today is reasonably good for some sections of
the workforce with scarce skills, for example in the mining industry.
Strong unions have also aided sections of the labour force. Yet as
Henry George pointed out, special skills and trade union organisation
can only help some groups of workers on a temporary basis and under a
system of the private ownership of land, land price increases will
outstrip wages growth. Indeed, in many of the mining areas, spiralling
land prices are driving up housing costs and taking a massive cut from
the take home pay of men and women working under extremely difficult
conditions.
Hundreds of thousands of Australian workers struggle on the economic
margins. An increasing number now work on a contract or casual basis.
Many rely on working two jobs or upon welfare supplements to survive.
The massive level of mortgage and personal debt that is now carried
on the backs of Australian workers was largely fuelled by a trebling
of land price during the years of the Howard Government and now has
created a growing class of working poor, struggling on the margins and
becoming increasingly unable to pay utility bills, service credit
cards and to purchase goods and services. Debt, fuelled by rising land
prices, is working insidiously at driving down the wages of Australian
workers.
Henry George clearly identified the causes of our current industrial
and social difficulties when he explained the Law of Wages in The
Condition of Labour, as follows:
"Land being necessary to life and labour, its owners
will be able, in return for permission to use it, to obtain from
mere labourers all that labour can produce save enough to enable
such of them to maintain life as are wanted by the land-owners and
their dependants."
If we look at the Global view point the condition of labour today is
very grim indeed:
- 1.4 billion people live in extreme poverty on less than $US1.25
per day.
- Approximately 600 million children live in extreme poverty.
In Australia:
- Two million people live in poverty or severe hardship.
According to Homelessness Australia, more than 100,000 Australians
are homeless on any given night.
Housing Affordability and homelessness remain a major problem for
Australian workers and society generally. There is some hope in this
regard. Despite opposition from the Liberal Party and a lack of
support from the big banks, the ACT Labor Government introduced an
innovative Land Rent Scheme in 2008 designed to make it easier for new
home buyers to enter the housing market. The essence of the scheme is
that by paying 4% of the unimproved site value to the Territory
Government, the few hundred Land Renters signed up so far needed only
borrow around half the usual mortgage amount, that is, just sufficient
funds to build a house on their chosen site.
The Association for Good Government ACT Branch would like to see this
scheme developed further and will be conducting educational activities
aimed at for example, providing income tax breaks for Land Renters.
Henry George wrote in The Condition of Labour:
"For is it not clear that the division of men into
the classes rich and poor has invariably its origin in force and
fraud; invariably involves violation of the moral law, and is really
a division into those who get the profits of robbery and those who
are robbed; those who hold in exclusive possession what God made for
all, and those who are deprived of His bounty?"
Historical records prove that in 1891 Australian workers and trade
unionists in particular, recognised this fundamental point far better
than our modern workers and unionists. Australian trade-unionism has
lost its way insofar as it has abandoned its demand for natural rights
for workers, especially the right to use and enjoy land.
However, there are signs of hope. For example, the ACTU has
undertaken some valuable advocacy work in relation to the proposed
Minerals Resource Rent Tax. The commissioning of the Henry Review of
Australia's Taxation system by the newly elected Labor Government was
in itself a massive breath of fresh air in public policy debates.
Henry has important things to say about the need to move our revenue
collection toward a system heavily based upon Land Value Taxation.
Australian unions need to find a way to build support for this aspect
of Henry's findings.
I believe that Coalition reactionaries are quietly stuck on the
miserable idea of further increasing their beloved GST, which
constitutes a continuing and very serious threat to the standard of
living of working people. The Liberal Party stands solidly on the side
of rent collectors at the expense of labour.
The private collection of land rent is driving an ever-increasing
wedge between the haves and the have-nots in Australian society.
Different wage rates and industrial agreements have a significant
effect in explaining who gets what. But it is the extent to which a
person is engaged (either directly or indirectly) in the private
appropriation of land rent that really is the over-riding determining
factor in his or her socio-economic condition.
Henry George wrote in The Condition of Labour:
"Did not Christ in all his utterances and parables
show that the gross difference between rich and poor is opposed to
God's law? Would he have condemned the rich so strongly as He did if
the class distinction between rich and poor did not involve
injustice; was not opposed to God's intent?" (p.76)
Looking beyond social problems and the problem of private property in
land causing labour to be robbed, we are now facing potentially
catastrophic environmental problems. In the last century in
particular, we have seriously damaged our planet by polluting our
rivers, oceans and atmosphere. We have cut down too many and planted
too few trees. We have witnessed an absolutely alarming level of
extinction of animal and plant species and we have caused Global
Warming, not just through Carbon emissions but through other
greenhouse gases also.
As Henry George noted, the survival of humanity requires us to live
in conformity with Natural Law. To damage the Earth with harmful and
dangerous pollution denies the Golden Rule by negating the equal right
of all people (including future generations) to use and enjoy the
Earth.
George illustrated our utter reliance upon God and his Natural Laws
when he wrote:
"Let the mean temperature of the earth rise or fall
a few degrees, an amount as nothing compared with differences
produced in our laboratories, and mankind would disappear as ice
disappears under a tropical sun, would fall as the leaves fall at
the touch of frost."(P.41)
One aspect of the Federal Labor Government's recently announced
Carbon Tax Package that I believe was particularly progressive was the
lifting of the tax free threshold to $18,200, with further upward
adjustments to follow.
To put it in some perspective, the Carbon Tax is expected to raise
around $10 billion per annum whereas the GST raises around $40
Billion. The GST is effectively a 10% flat tax on wages. So we don't
really have a tax-free threshold. I believe the GST is a far more
damaging tax that the ALP Carbon Tax package.
Nonetheless, as a Georgist, I oppose the Carbon Tax and believe that
we could do far better for our environment and economy by instead
making it a priority to collect site rent in lieu of taxation and to
eliminate the billions of dollars of Corporate Welfare in the form of
government subsidies currently propping up environmentally damaging
industries. Other big improvements could be made by broad-based
strengthening of anti-pollution regulations, instead of increased
taxation.
Greens MP Adam Bandt recently pointed out that an end to "the
environmentally damaging largesse of rebates and tax credits given to
big fossil fuel users would save the Budget between $9-10 billion a
year." He is partly on the right track here but his point really
just scratches the surface. For example, the Productivity Commission
has identified a separate list of at least $14 Billion of government
revenue going to Corporate Welfare each year. I believe a thorough
examination of government expenditure would reveal many billions of
dollars more.
A system of site rent in lieu of taxation would collect ample
revenue, remove privileges and subsidies and ensure free and fair
competition for clean industries. Workers receiving the full and
proper reward for their labour could then afford to choose to purchase
the most environmentally-friendly services.
Writing in The Canberra Times on 14 July this year, Associate
Professor Frank Zumbo noted some legitimate concerns with the Carbon
Tax as follows:
"The problem here is that, if the effected
companies are in highly concentrated markets, the companies can
simply pass the higher costs of the carbon tax on to consumers. In
the absence of behavioural changes from effected companies, there is
a real danger that the carbon tax might not lead to any meaningful
reductions in greenhouse gas emissions in key industries.
The problem with ongoing price rises from the carbon tax could even
get worse in highly concentrated markets as effected companies could
try to raise consumer prices in excess of any carbon-tax related
increases.
A lack of real competition in highly concentrated markets creates a
tempting environment for the few dominant market players to
price-gouge consumers. Here the carbon tax could be used to justify
existing or future rip-offs by effected dominant companies intent on
driving up retail prices to the detriment of consumers."
From a political point of view, another concern with the Carbon Tax
is that the Government does not appear to have the mass of the working
class on side with the new tax arrangements, despite the compensation
measures.
There is a real danger arising of a return to a Coalition Government.
The Coalition has historically demonstrated a determination to govern
in the interests of big business, banks, rent collectors, dangerously
polluting industries and against the interests of working people. The
Coalition is working to re-activate "Howard's battlers", by
working in conjunction with powerful segments of the media that
successfully pitch their narrow, negative and twisted messages at
working people.
Henry George wrote in The Condition of Labour:
"If you will consider how true in any large view is
the classification of all men into working-men, beggar-men and
thieves, you will see that it was morally impossible that Christ
during his stay on earth should have been anything else than a
working-man, since He who came to fulfil the law must by deed as
well as word obey God's law of labour." P.76
Here is an idea that illuminates the dignity that working people
should feel in their daily lives. Henry George also made it clear that
not only is the Labour question the same as the land question but that
the land question is also a religious question and that justice can be
carried by nothing less than the religious conscience. As George
noted, while ever we are denied the full reward for our work, we are
to that extent enslaved. Chattel slavery was largely destroyed by a
religious or moral uprising and the same can occur to industrial
slavery.
We saw in 2007 what can be done when Australian churches and unions
united to fight for the rights of working people. They formed an
alliance that had tremendous support and power. The hope for the
future is that churches and the labour movement can revisit the
question of Industrial Relations or the Condition of Labour and this
time dig deeper beyond advocacy for concession rights to look squarely
at Natural Rights in the context of a True Political Economy that
shows the absolutely crucial importance of securing the equal right of
all to use and enjoy land, as the means to achieve labour freedom.
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