Review of the Book
Free Land
by Rose Wilder Lane
John Luxton
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom,
November-December 1938]
Some years ago, when the depression was still young, there appeared
Harper's Magazine an article which dealt with the proposition
of settling some hundred thousand or more unemployed Americans and
their families upon vacant lands. The object was to give them the
opportunity to employ themselves at making their own living out the
soil and thus relieve those of their countrymen who were fortunate
enough to be employed of the expense of supporting them, either
through charity or taxation. The results were to be three-fold.
First, the independence, dignity, and self-respect of those when this
opportunity would thus be maintained, a most important of factors in
any democracy. Next, the rest of the populace, relieved of the burden
of supporting non-producers, would have more wealth with which to
support the industries that cater to men's wants, in short, more
purchasing power. Finally, those who made a go of working the land
would need tools, machinery, clothing, household wares and furniture,
all of which would mean a greater demand for the services of our
manufacturing and transportation interests.
This all worked very nice in print. A back to the land movement, to
the mother of all living things, seemed the logical way out of the
economic morass in which mankind had bogged itself down. The writer
had doubts and expressed them in a letter to
Harper's.
In the writer's time the term "homestead" had been
frequently expressed by persons, more or less dissatisfied with their
personal fortunes, as a sort of promised land that had once been
offered but which they had been stupid enough to ignore at the time
and now could not avail themselves of because the chance was gone. "Government
land" was spoken of as being worthless for any purpose except
mining or lumbering and such land was not to be homesteaded. After the
opening of the Indian Territory it was generally believed that no land
suitable for agriculture by farmers used to the well-farmed and worn
out soil of the East was available for settlement.
The encyclopedias and almanacs issued each year by certain American
newspapers listed millions of vacant acres of government land upon
which the would-be settlers were free to file claims. But the fact
that great numbers of Americans were not doing so, in spite of the
poverty of their lives, pointed to but one thing; the utter
uselessness of such lands for farming by poor families. So the writer
wanted to know where the lands for settling the unemployed upon were
to be found. He said that but three classes of land existed,
government lands of the national domain, state lands, and lands in
private hands. As to national lands the poorest only remained, lands
on which one could not keep a goat, surely useless for supporting a
family. The available state lands were probably in the same condition
or they would have been gobbled up long ago. That left privately owned
lands as the only way out. The writer wished to know how these were to
be obtained except by purchase unless taken for non-payment of taxes.
Purchase by condemnation or at public auction would mean high prices
to be paid by those taxpayers, the American People, who were to be
relieved, according to the proposition, of the burden of supporting
the unemployed. Did anyone suppose that the owners of good, rich,
vacant farm land would part with it at a low price just to relieve
others? And if they did, even if they reduce their price to the lowest
possible figure per acre, would not the American people have to pay
for the land and thus reduce their purchasing power?
It does not do to tear a proposition apart without offering a
substitute. The writer offered a substitute, a plan that would put
everybody back to work without cost to the taxpayers. Single Taxers
know the plan. It was the plan proposed by Henry George, that the
government proceed to collect the rent of land. Of course he
prophesied that there would be available all the land needed and of
the best quality for whatever purpose desired as soon as such a scheme
should be put in effect. Harper's editor of the Personal and Otherwise
column wrote to him and said that if space permitted the letter would
be published in part together with two other letters received on the
same subject. The names of the writers of the other letters were
mentioned.
In the next number of Harper's neither of the three letters appeared
either in whole or in part. At no time thereafter did any of the
letters appear. Instead, a letter by Rose Wilder Lane, appeared; a
letter which condemned the proposition, not on the ground of the
impossibility of obtaining suitable land without cost to the taxpayers
and without paying tribute to private landowners, but upon the utter
impossibility (?), of anyone making a living out of land. Mrs. Lane
said this in all seriousness because in her youth her father had tried
to make a living for his family on a homestead and had found the
scorching heat, the deadly blizzards, the years of droughts, the
tornados, and prairie soil that resisted the plow and wore our horses
and the high cost for tools, harness, lumber, besides the great
distances from such aids to civilization as doctors, nurses, and
schools, too much for one man. The picture of those early years is
engraved deeply in Mrs. Lane's soul, and so she could not believe such
a life possible in spite of the fact that millions of farmers have
lived and are now living through labor applied to the raising of food
crops from the soil, let alone other products, such as rubber and
cotton.
The writer was disappointed in Mrs. Lane's letter. She seemed to be
writing of particular lands, and thus was arguing from a part to the
whole. Her latest work, "Free Land," was heralded as an
expose of the land racket. The writer hoped to find in this some
inkling that she understood the land question and its economic
significance. Careful study of it shows that she understands the
immediate causes of the distress of farmers but she betrays no
understanding of what underlies it all. "Free Land" is a
narrative about the trials of David Beaton and his young bride in
trying to make a go of it on a homestead west of Minnesota. David and
Mary were both farm children. Both could do all the chores of the farm
and home as well as their elders if not with the same degree of
judgment which comes from experience, a matter which comes with age,
David's father had farmed in "York State", and had gone to
Minnesota. He bought his land, land that had been brought under
cultivation. Naturally he paid a good price for it, but the
improvements were worth it to him. He did not approve of going west
for free land. He did not think highly of anything that could be got
for nothing. As a matter of fact he did not realize how dearly David
would have to pay for the government land before he could prove up on
it. But he did not stand in David's way, and even gave him a team of
Morgans, thoroughbreds raised by him, and a new wagon, besides turning
over to him all money coming to him for his labor.
In all the story of these two people there are but a few references
to the underlying cause of our troubles in this land which had so much
public domain to start with. When the young man arrived at the land
office to file a claim in a certain division he found all available
sections near to the town site had been filed on already although news
of the opening of the division for filing had not been made public. So
he had to file miles away from the town site. For fourteen dollars and
a half he was allowed to file on one hundred sixty acres, and if he
took a tree claim, he could get an extra quarter section. All he had
to do was to plant trees on ten acres on this second quarter. He was
given five years to build a home and cultivate the land. If he had
lived upon it continuously he could then buy it for one dollar and a
quarter an acre. But he found that the law was not strictly obeyed.
Men filed by proxy.
Wagons were considered habitations and were moved after proving up.
Trees were planted but not raised. Claims were filed and not
cultivated except as a bluff while the filer worked on the railroad,
leaving a member of his family to spend the greater part of the year
in a well-stocked shanty. This grabbing of choice town sites on inside
information and the fraudulent holding of them was for speculation and
it caused the moving of legitimate settlers far back into the
hinterland thus increasing their difficulties, making it harder for
them to meet expenses and driving them into the hands of the loan
sharks and mortgage hounds with interest from three to five per cent a
month. Couple this with the severity of a continental climate, intense
summer heat, extreme winter cold, long dry spells that burned up all
plant life to the brick red soil, or sudden deluges that caused sod
houses to actually melt on their inhabitants. Then add to this fact:
with every purchase of machinery, every extension of house or barn,
every addition to the live stock, and the taxes were increased.
Surely, it is a wonder that any settler was successful! Mrs. Lane has
told a wonderful tale of how two young Americans have met the worst
vicissitudes and overcome them. She has saddened us with the tragedies
that went on around these young people but through all we have been
thrilled at the wonderful spirit of Americans in the face of disaster.
With such spirit we need fear no foreign institution that suppresses
the liberty of the individual.
But in explaining the land situation to the American people, "Free
Land" is a sad failure. It is to the foreword that we must look
to get Mrs. Lane's point of view. The foreword begins with this
quotation: "But everything is changed now; there's no more free
land."
Mrs. Lane does not mention whose words these are but they fit right
into our philosophy. Our troubles with unemployment began with the
passage of the national domain. But she goes on to explain that the
United States is the only American government that gave no land to
settlers. Spain and Mexico offered free land, but the United States
sold its land to rich speculators. She blames the gamble American
lands for the huge bull markets and crashes. She claim that after the
fertile lands were taken up and only the plains remained the Homestead
Act was passed. It remained in force
to 1935. Strange to say
the greatest period of homesteading was from 1913 to 1926. More than
one million acres were homesteaded in 1934. In 1935 homesteaders held
title to more than six million acres. The question is what happened to
the titles to 270 million acres homesteaded between 1862 and 1935, or
to the titles to 95 million acres homesteaded between 1913 and 1926!
Figures for the total number of acres homesteaded are, 101 million
acres from 1913 1926, and 276 million acres from 1862 to 1935.
The appalling loss of homesteads would indicate the failure of the
system. But it would not show that farming would be bound to fail.
Suppose the land had been given free. We have instances of land given
in grants to Dutch and English settlers of Long Island and Manhattan
by both the Dutch West India Company and by the Sovereigns of Great
Britain, and by the Colonial governments. We know that we, the people
of New York, have had to pay enormous sums for those lands to the
heirs of the original grantees for value which exist only because we
have made them.
To have given land free to settlers would not have eased the plight
of present farmers nor their neighbors but would have built up landed
aristocracy able to live by those who must pay tribute to use those
lands. To grab land free is to produce a future class of parasites.
The huge markets and crashes, the railroad stock gambling, the mining
monopoly and gambling in mining stocks, are not the result of American
land as Mrs. Lane asserts, nor should the lands acquired from Mexico
and France have been sold to lighten the expense upon the taxpayer as
Mrs. Lane has David's father believe. American land is the patrimony
of all the American people, of every race and creed. Whether it was
bought with American money from France and Mexico or wrested by force
and fraud from the Indians, it is the birth right of all Americans, of
every human being calling America his home. The government had neither
the right nor the power to give it away, nor sell it.
The government, being the agent of the people, the steward of the
nation, should have guarded this patrimony most zealously. It should
have leased on a rental, justly appraised, to any one wishing to use
the land. This would have been the only way to insure its use by
homemakers. But because it didn't do it, settlers such as David and
Mary had to pay out in life's blood, drop by drop, for the right to
live and raise a family on the surface of the earth which the Great
Creator planned for the source from which all life should flow in
harmony with all creation. When private ownership of the right to
collect rent from the best of this surface drove men to seek a
livelihood on the poorer lands we find men and women meeting the
condition so graphically portrayed by Mrs. Lane in "Free Land."
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