The Riddle of Modern Society
Carl Marfels
[An address delivered at the International Conference
to Promote Land Value Taxation and Free Trade, Edinburgh, Scotland, 29
July thru 4 August, 1929]
As we may look among civilized countries we find the same paradoxical
conditions; on the one hand highly-developed scientific and technical
knowledge, which makes it possible to produce the necessities of life
and luxuries in excess of the needs of humanity. On the other hand
poverty among the great mass of the people which cries aloud to Heaven
for redress. It is true that in the past there have been periods in
which mankind suffered temporarily from want and privation, but it was
then usually a case of bad harvests which, owing to the backward state
of transport, could not be counteracted by importing supplies from
lands with good harvests. Sometimes it was a case of objects in daily
use not being manufactured on account of poorly developed mechanical
knowledge. In other words: in earlier days mankind suffered want
because enough could not be produced; today they suffer want whilst
too much can be produced. The most preposterous thing, however, is
that widespread unemployment should obtain. Last winter the number of
unemployed in Germany alone was not less than 2^2 millions, without
taking into account the large number of workers on short time. At the
same time, poverty that is to say, lack of the products of work also
prevails. In other words: there are millions of people who need
housing accomodations and the necessities of life, whilst these same
millions would willingly produce all such things, but find no
opportunity to do so. Why cannot demand and supply be brought into
touch with each other?
The answer to this question is of extraordinary urgency as the
discontent among the masses in all civilized countries is assuming
alarming proportions; and not only in the ranks of wage-workers, but
also in the ranks of self-supporting manufacturers, tradesmen and
merchants.
If one watches the efforts of statesmen to remedy these evils, one
must be astonished at the absolutely useless measures and ineffective
remedies proposed in order to combat the danger. It might well be
understood that the two great problems of our day have not yet been
solved, viz.: Why, notwithstanding the gigantic technical progress
which has been made in the last hundred years, and despite the
resultant increase in wealth-producing power, the wages of workers
have not only not risen, but have, calculated on the basis of real
comforts, even fallen; and how it happens that millions of men who are
willing to work can find no work to do, when "work" means
apart from a few negligible exceptions the production of food and the
necessities of life? With such widespread poverty and misery a great
task faces every sincere reformer.
With the exception of the English and Danish Parliaments, and the
local councils in such countries as Australia, so far as I am aware,
the teachings of Henry George are ignored. In Progress and Poverty
Henry George has given a concise and clear answer to all the foregoing
queries. But he is hardly ever mentioned. Are his teachings not known
in other countries, or have people not the courage to acknowledge such
teachings? Perhaps the reason lies in the fact that, when choosing the
nation's representatives, the people lay no emphasis on that quality
which should in reality form the main and centre point, viz.: the
candidate's knowledge of matters of political economy. Indeed, people
appear to attach no importance whatever to the politico-economic
knowledge of the candidate to be elected. Otherwise it is
incomprehensible why legislative bodies should show a complete lack of
understanding and such helplessness in the face of unemployment and
poverty. Technical resources are so numerous that if full use were
made of our mechanical power a sufficient supply of the necessities of
life could be produced so that every man might have a superfluity.
And yet there is widespread want. In the year 1900 the political
economist, Theodor Hertzka of Vienna, calculated that with full use of
our machinery we were in a position to produce so much wealth every
year in the shape of houses, food supplies, clothes and other objects
of use, that their values would represent 400 (English pounds) per
head of the population, or for a family of four, not less than 1,800.
In any case, the following idea forces itself upon the unbiased
observer: If it were a case of solving a problem, involving difficult
bridge construction, for instance, then decidedly a skilled expert,
and not a layman, would be called in to advise. And so it should be
with all important problems. Only in the most important task of the
nation, that of choosing national representatives who have to make
decisions of vital economic importance, is there no question asked
whether the candidate possesses the most elementary knowledge of his
subject, namely, the science of political economy! The results are as
might be expected! Fifty years ago Henry George published his great
work, "Progress and Poverty," and almost as early he wrote
his equally masterly book, "Protection or Free Trade." Yet
it is still being debated in Parliaments which is better for a country
protection or free trade!
Even today we can hear from politicians the view that it is desirable
for a country to export more than it imports. Even today one can often
hear superficial suggestions to the effect that present-day distress
arises from over-population, from over-production, or too rapid
increase of machinery. In the meantime, the distress becomes more
acute. The nations cut themselves off from each other by high duties;
the struggle for existence becomes increasingly sharper; large
undertakings combine with still larger ones, without regard to the
best interests of humanity; poverty becomes intensified. Regulations
of one kind and another lead to the ruin of trade, and to such
conditions that it is hardly possible for a man of 35 to find a
situation. General discontent and crime are increasing to such an
alarming extent that even the middle classes driven to despair, no
longer shrink from Bolshevist idea and the legislator stands impotent
in the face of all that has been described.
If only a serious effort could be made to discover tht reasons why,
in spite of the fact that the earth can produce many times its present
yield, millions must go hungry why, although more houses could be
built than there is any need for, yet there are millions who cannot
find a house and that, in spite of the fact that more clothes and
other necessities of life could be produced than are required yet
millions are suffering for want of these.
Then it would have to be acknowledged that the underlying reason for
the threatening phenomena of our time! is rooted in the present-day
monopoly of land, and that it is nonsense to proclaim " Freedom
and Equality of Mankind" as the basic principles of Democracy
when all the same time mighty capitalists groups possess unlimited
power over the sources of all the raw materials and most of the
property. Is it not indeed an untenable position for one group to
possess all the coal fields; another all the petroleum wells; a third
the ore deposits; a fourth the diamond and gold fields; a fifth (as in
the U. S. A.) gigantic forests; and for the surface of the earth to be
owned by a minority who grant the liberty to live and work on it
under conditions of ever-increasing tribute, which leave to the users
of the land only the minimum necessary to maintain existence? Henry
George, one of the greatest thinkers of all time, has shown in the
already mentioned unparalleled book, "Progress and Poverty,"
that even without expropriation or division of the land and without
resorting to Nationalization, a basic reform of the present evils
could be effected, which would bring benefit to all classes. Then it
must not be overlooked that the millionaires of today cannot enjoy
their lives free of care; they feel that we are dancing on a volcano
and unless some alteration is effected the worst is to be feared. The
example which disinherited Russia has given us must always be for us "Mene,
mene tekel upharsing" which it is impossible to take too
seriously. Moreover, Bolshevism in spite of the educated people who
support it, cannot bring a solution of the social problem any nearer
because instead of freedom, which must remain for its supporters a
political ideal, it has created a rigid and coercive economic entity
which cannot endure.
The Edinburgh Conference promoted by The International Union for Land
Value Taxation and Free Trade has as one of its objects the important
mission of informing the world that neither the niggardliness of
Mother Earth, her alleged over-population, the presumed
over-production, or the world war, are to blame for the
ever-increasing misery of our time and the dangerous situation into
which the civilized world has drifted; but that it is due solely and
wholly to land monopoly. Material progress has not raised the wages of
the workers while millions if those willing to work cannot find
employment. Private ownership of land which by all the laws of God and
right would belong to all is alone the reason why innumerable people
live in want and misery. Our "culture," which stands so high
in the branches of physical science and technical knowledge, but in
regard to economics is still in infant school, is leading us towards
an ugly state of laws.
But the Edinburgh Conference will probably express itself very
emphatically in regard to another point of the utmost importance,
viz.: The fact that the origin of the horrible war of our time was
closely allied to the land question. Land monopoly led to unemployment
and to the present misery of the masses, and this to a desperate
economic struggle which, in its turn, resulted in higher protective
tariffs. In this way a poisonous atmosphere was created between the
nations; the one regarding with envy the rich storehouses of the other
its mineral and coal fields, its petroleum wells, its potash deposits,
and so on and simply waiting for an opportunity to obtain possession
of them for itself. These tendencies were increased by the
short-sighted and false egoism of the countries that think of
themselves only, and believe that if they segregate themselves by high
tariffs they will enrich themselves at the cost of other countries. If
the sources of supply were not in private hands, but belonged to the
community, it would be much easier for countries to come to an
agreement as to the quantity of raw material ceded by them, and the
present inflammatory conditions could be eliminated from the world.
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