Do Unions Protect the Jobs
and Wages of Workers?
Joseph Dana Miller
[Reprinted from Land and Freedom, March-April
1936]
Joseph Dana Miller was during this period
Editor of Land and Freedom. Many of the editorials
published were unsigned. It is therefore possible that Miller was
not the author of this article, although the content is thought to
be consistent with his own perspectives as Editor. |
Now, Mr. Trades Unionist, let us have a word with you. Perhaps you
are satisfied that you have kept your wages up even at the expense of
other workers' wages. As things are, every increase of wages in your
craft must result in increased cost, though this is frequently
compensated for in increased efficiency. On the whole, however,
increase of wages secured by labor combinations must result in
increased cost to the general public. The cases where this does not
occur appear to be negligible.
There is another aspect of the question that does not occur to you.
Suppose it were possible for wages generally to be increased by the
unions. What would be the result? It will be strange to you to be told
that you would then be no better off. We are speaking now not of money
wages but real wages, or what money wages will buy. We are considering
the resultant increase in the cost of commodities. We are considering
something more removed, but something that is inevitable. It is rent,
economic rent, which demands and must continue to demand until
conditions are remedied, the lion's share of any general wage
increase.
It will be news to the trade unionist that he would be working for
the landowner were any general wage increase at all possible. With
every stroke of the hammer, with every fall of the pick, the toll to
the landowner must be paid. Rent, economic rent, is the monster whose
[unreadable] is every increase of wages, every addition to production,
every machine, even every cultural advance. When this is diverted into
private channels it is the engine enslavement for the worker, and what
might be his beneficent servitor is in fact his merciless
Frankenstein. He cannot escape it.
If it sounds strange, this talk of "the dignity of labor,"
which must be maintained by "collective bargaining." That
dignity is evidently of a very tenuous nature that has to be
maintained by trade union devices, by these efforts to extort some
slight percentage of wage increase. And there is another reflection
that should occur to you. It is that as a trade unionist you give
tacit consent to more than one economic fallacy. The first is that
wages are paid by the employer in other words, are drawn from capital.
Does labor with its "dignity" believe that? Evidently the
trade unionist does. Otherwise he would see the futility of the trade
union idea to bring about any permanent improvement. The gains that
have been made are pitiably small.
The last resort when collective bargaining fails is a kind of civil
war. Can that be reconciled with any reasonable solution of the labor
problem? This arraying of labor against capital cannot be the solution
of labor's difficulties and is surely not in accord with the idea of
the dignity of labor, for it is a confession of a subordinate position
that lacks all dignity. It lends strength to the patronizing attitude
of politicians in their professed eagerness to "do something for
labor."
Is there any recognition among the labor union leaders of the true
relation of labor to capital? Is capital recognized as the associate
with labor in the work of production, and not labor's "boss?"
If so we do not know of them. The labor unionist merely seeks to ex-
tort more from capital by threats of combination, by collective
bargaining, and at the end the last resort, a strike. Strange
reflection this upon the so-called "dignity of labor."
Not labor unionism but a true political economy restores this
dignity. It shows that wages are not paid by the employer, are not
drawn from capital, but are a part of the product, less that which
goes to capital as interest and to land as rent, the last of which
belongs to all men who labor to be expended for communal expenses
instead of being appropriated by private persons. It is the exclusion
of men from the land, the denial of a place to work, that robs labor
of its dignity and makes him a suppliant to capital which must also
bargain with the land owner for a place to work. Does the labor
unionist recognize this? He does not. If he wins he is satisfied with
gains so pitiably small that his own contemptible position, and not
his "dignity," becomes to those who will really reflect his
chief outstanding characteristic.
Will he never see, he of all men? What he has is only his labor, we
hear it said. To a well man the greatest power in the world. He is the
organizer and producer of all wealth on earth. On him all capital
depends for maintenance and employment. On him every revolution of the
wheels of industry depends. When he is denied the use of the earth
capital can make a hard bargain with him. The man out of work at his
elbow is bidding against him for employment. He cannot overcome this
condition to any great degree by combination or collective bargaining.
There are too many for him. He cannot hurt capital by combining
capital is already hurt by divorcement from the land, from which all
things are produced. Only here and there can capital take advantage of
the necessities of labor. Without labor it slowly diminishes. Nothing
is more expensive to the owner than idle capital.
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