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SCI LIBRARY

Henry George's Writings as Literary Propaganda

Marion Mills Miller


[Reprinted from the Single Tax Review, 1921]



Dr. Marion Mills Miller has for the past decade devoted himself to the compilation of important literary, political and economic works, in which, as a devoted follower of Henry George, he has seized every legitimate opportunity for presenting the Single Tax philosophy. Proof of the high value of this propaganda is afforded by the entire lack of adverse criticism of his position by reviewers and readers, and by the frequent praise accorded him, particularly by educators, for his clear presentation of the basic principles of democracy. As editor of a comprehensive compilation of translations entitled The Greek and Latin Classics, he was commended by leading classic scholars for introducing for the first time to English readers Dio Chrysostom, a Greek Single Taxer of the first Christian era. In his Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln he showed more clearly than any other biographer of the "Great Emancipator" the close parallel and interrelation existing between chattel and industrial slavery, and so received commendation from the reviewers for presenting Lincoln as a living influence in the political and economic thought of the present day. In his masterpiece, Great Debates in American History, in preparing which he ransacked Colonial documents and the records of Congress from Washington to Wilson, Dr. Miller emphasized the land question as the fundamental problem of our Government, and traced to the incompleteness of its solution the complications arising in the treatment of all other issues. In rescuing from the dusty files of official documents and making available for reading and ready reference speeches of early advocates of "land for the people," such as Senator Benton and Representatives Andrew Johnson and Galusha A. Grow, and expositions of the Single Tax philosophy by later statesmen, such as Tom L. Johnson, Jerry Simpson and Henry George, Jr., Dr. Miller has rendered a service to the cause only less valuable than that of these spokesmen themselves.

Recently Dr. Miller spoke to the Manhattan Single Tax Club on the subject of literary propaganda of the doctrines of Henry George, especially by popular entertainments of a musical, dramatic and elocutionary character. The substance of this talk we here present by request. - Editor Single Tax Review



On Lincoln's Birthday I gave a talk on the emancipator of their fellows in the United States to a negro school in Bermuda. Before the meeting the schoolmaster, in his capacity as chairman, requested me to divide my remarks into parts, in order that some "local talent might have a chance to display itself." Accordingly, at a convenient break in my discussion, I stated that the chairman had an announcement to make. He arose and with an evident sense of the dignity of his position said:

"We will now vary the monotony of the occasion by a recitation entitled "The Fire Fiend," by our talented young elocutionist, Miss ------."

I have taken the palpable hint and hit, and shall try hereafter to "vary the monotony" of my prosy addresses with recitations or similar appeals to the emotional and aesthetic sense of my auditors when there is none other present to do this for me.

The Single Tax philosophy is so clear and simple, so consonant in its parts, and so pat in all its applications, that the person who sees its truth acquires an impression of the highest beauty, which, with regard to its logical form, is in the broad meaning of the term artistic. But it is not aesthetic, that is, artistic in the narrow and more definitive meaning of the term, which limits it to the quality that rouses pleasurable emotions in the mind by presenting to it sensuous images possessing harmony, proportion and grace.

But if Single Tax reasoning has taught us anything, it is that it is neither right nor wise to use terms in their broad and sublimated senses. To do so is, as it were, to employ a figure of speech while porporting to talk literally. Accordingly, we cannot justly call a purely literal exposition of even the highest truth an artistic presentation. Poetry, says Bacon in substance, is the mixing of truth with falsity (that is, with what is at least not literally true) in order to affect the emotions. The common saying, "there is more truth than poetry in it," recognizes this fact. I remember using this phrase, somewhat ungenerously, to Ernest Crosby when, just to please me, he inserted a Single Tax poem in the proofs of his "Swords and Plowshares" which I was revising. I told him that his socialistic poems, in which he graphically visualized machines as devouring monsters, were far more artistic and therefore impressive to the non-Single Taxer, and so I begged him not to invite the unfavorable comparison -- to which request he kindly acceded.

Here is an illustration of my point. Thomas Hood appealed to "men with mothers and wives" to remember:

"It is not linen you*re wearing out. But human creatures' lives."

This is just the kind of homely figure which touches the human heart, the central organ of poetic sensibility, but it outrages the intellectual sense, since the logical conclusion of the adjuration is the absurd advice, "stop wearing shirts altogether."

But when the element of falsity is purely formal, when there is real truth behind the figure of speech employed for the sake of inciting the imagination, that spur of the emotions which in turn impel to action, poetry can appeal both to the heart and the head. Henry George was an accomplished craftsman in the effective use of poetic prose, employing the imagination of his readers in the proper place. After he had carried them with him by pure reason to a realization of a truth, he changed from philosopher to prophet and, giving loose rein to the prescient poetry of his soul, evoked the same element in their breasts, illuminating instead of beclouding the truth, as would have been the case had he indulged in rhapsodizing before stating his theme or while developing his argument.

It is the poetic or artistic element in Progress and Poverty which has made it the most popular treatise ever written on what previously had been known as the "dismal science."

I am not leading up to a plea for writers of Single Tax treatises to follow George's example. His great book truly deserves the title of the Bible of the movement, in that it is all-sufficient for enlightenment of the ignorant and comfort and inspiration of those who have seen the truth. Poems of high quality it has called forth, and of supreme degree it shall some day inspire, and it has been and shall continue to be, the source of ideas artistically presented in story and parable. If there is a lack in the expository literature of the Single Tax, it is in the case of text-books. No primer or manual of economics of the Georgian school has yet been written which is properly adapted to instruction in the class-room, or even for self-instruction. Henry George apparently began his Science of Political Economy as a practical treatise, but it ended as the most heterogenous in character of all his works, a mixture of scientific treatise, philosophical dissertation, and general critique of his subject. He never could have written a text-book. He was a teacher with a philosophic mind and journalistic training, not one with pedagogic bent and experience. I think a chief reason for the fact that is brought forward against the Georgian economy as indicating its un- scientific nature, namely, that it is not taught in our schools and colleges, is that no Single Tax writer has yet appeared who is a real teacher in the pedagogic sense of the term -- such a man, for instance, as was Professor William Graham Sumner of Yale. It is true that the text-books on political economy in use in our colleges and universities are for the most part written by third rate teachers with seventh rate intellects, but there is no Georgian text-book with any rating at all. Perhaps from the ranks of the bright boys and girls in the schools of New York State who have been converted to the Single Tax through writing essays on the subject for prizes offered by the Single Tax League of New York State, will arise a writer of first class both as a teacher and a thinker, who will prepare a text-book on economics that will consign the present ones to the second-hand stalls.

There is an education which is more effective in diffusing general knowledge, though not specific, than that of the schools. It is the instruction in entertaining form of the people, exemplified in recent years by the "university extension" movement, Chautauqua circles, popular lectures combined with illustrations, and, above all, moving picture shows designed to impart useful information.

One of the early forms of popular education remains potent for great good, though it has been little developed to this end. It is the school entertainment, designed generally to celebrate public holidays, and therefore of a patriotic character. The brand, however, is invariably that of "flag patriotism," a natural impulse among the young, and therefore a basis for building upon it a higher order of social consciousness, but confining and dwarfing to the mind and heart when regarded as the "be all and end all" of the relation of the individual to society.

In order to utilize, as a means of Single Tax propaganda, this long-established, widely prevalent, yet sadly neglected instrumentality for popular education I have prepared an entertainment called "Columbia's School," which is a course in progressive patriotism, rising from childish interest in mere symbols of loyalty, to mature devotion to the principles of social justice and the institutions through which it may be realized. The programme of the entertainment is elastic, consisting of songs, recitations, drills and marches, etc., any one of which may be omitted without impairing the continuity of the thought of the whole entertainment. There is a part for every class from kindergarten to high school, and for individual members in each class. The successive divisions of the entertainment are (1) Symbols of social union, protection and culture, e.g., the flag, the sword, the school bell, etc.; (2) Jeffersonian democracy, e.g., the Declaration of Independence; (3) Fraternity, e.g., reconciliations of the North and the South; (4) Equality of Rights, e.g.. Woman Suffrage; (5) Social Morality, e.g., Temperance; (6) Economic Justice, e.g., the Single Tax; (7) Cosmopolitanism, e.g., Freedom of Trade and of Immigration. I present herewith, on following pages, division 6 as of special interest to the reader:

Now, because of its advocacy of radical ideas this entertainment has little chance at present of acceptance by the public schools. Accordingly, if it be produced now, this must be by private schools or young peoples' societies in radical communities, such as Fairhope, Arden or Free Acres, or in neighborhoods where the people are progressive in their ideas.

I shall be pleased to correspond with those interested in producing this or a similar entertainment.