Why I am Not a Communist
Betrand Russell
[An excertp from Portraits from Memory,
published in 1956]
"I am completely at a loss to understand how it came
about that some people who are both humane and intelligent could
find something to admire in the vast slave camp produced by Stalin."
In relation to any political doctrine there are two questions to be
asked: (1) Are its theoretical tenets true? (2) Is its practical
policy likely to increase human happiness? For my part, I think the
theoretical tenets of Communism are false, and I think its practical
maxims are such as to produce an immeasurable increase of human
misery.
The theoretical doctrines of Communism are for the most part derived
from Marx. My objections to Marx are of two sorts: one, that he was
muddle-headed; and the other, that his thinking was almost entirely
inspired by hatred. The doctrine of surplus value, which is supposed
to demonstrate the exploitation of wage-earners under capitalism, is
arrived at: (a) by surreptitiously accepting Malthus's doctrine of
population, which Marx and all his disciples explicitly repudiate; (b)
by applying Ricardo's theory of value to wages, but not to the prices
of manufactured articles. He is entirely satisfied with the result,
not because it is in accordance with the facts or because it is
logically coherent, but because it is calculated to rouse fury in
wage-earners. Marx's doctrine that all historical events have been
motivated by class conflicts is a rash and untrue extension to world
history of certain features prominent in England and France a hundred
years ago. His belief that there is a cosmic force called Dialectical
Materialism which governs human history independently of human
volitions, is mere mythology. His theoretical errors, however, would
not have mattered so much but for the fact that, like Tertullian and
Carlyle, his chief desire was to see his enemies punished, and he
cared little what happened to his friends in the process.
Marx's doctrine was bad enough, but the developments which it
underwent under Lenin and Stalin made it much worse. Marx had taught
that there would be a revolutionary transitional period following the
victory of the proletariat in a civil war and that during this period
the proletariat, in accordance with the usual practice after a civil
war, would deprive its vanquished enemies of political power. This
period was to be that of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It
should not be forgotten that in Marx's prophetic vision the victory of
the proletariat was to come after it had grown to be the vast majority
of the population. The dictatorship of the proletariat therefore as
conceived by Marx was not essentially anti-democratic. In the Russia
of 1917, however, the proletariat was a small percentage of the
population, the great majority being peasants. it was decreed that the
Bolshevik party was the class-conscious part of the proletariat, and
that a small committee of its leaders was the class-conscious part of
the Bolshevik party. The dictatorship of the proletariat thus came to
be the dictatorship of a small committee, and ultimately of one man -
Stalin. As the sole class-conscious proletarian, Stalin condemned
millions of peasants to death by starvation and millions of others to
forced labour in concentration camps. He even went so far as to decree
that the laws of heredity are henceforth to be different from what
they used to be, and that the germ-plasm is to obey Soviet decrees but
that that reactionary priest Mendel. I am completely at a loss to
understand how it came about that some people who are both humane and
intelligent could find something to admire in the vast slave camp
produced by Stalin.
I have always disagreed with Marx. My first hostile criticism of him
was published in 1896. But my objections to modern Communism go deeper
than my objections to Marx. It is the abandonment of democracy that I
find particularly disastrous. A minority resting its powers upon the
activities of secret police is bound to be cruel, oppressive and
obscuarantist. The dangers of the irresponsible power cane to be
generally recognized during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
but those who have forgotten all that was painfully learnt during the
days of absolute monarchy, and have gone back to what was worst in the
middle ages under the curious delusion that they were in the vanguard
of progress.
There are signs that in course of time the Russian régime will
become more liberal. But, although this is possible, it is very far
from certain. In the meantime, all those who value not only art and
science but a sufficiency of bread and freedom from the fear that a
careless word by their children to a schoolteacher may condemn them to
forced labour in a Siberian wilderness, must do what lies in their
power to preserve in their own countries a less servile and more
prosperous manner of life.
There are those who, oppressed by the evils of Communism, are led to
the conclusion that the only effective way to combat these evils is by
means of a world war. I think this a mistake. At one time such a
policy might have been possible, but now war has become so terrible
and Communism has become so powerful that no one can tell what would
be left after a world war, and whatever might be left would probably
be at least as bad as present -day Communism. This forecast does not
depend upon the inevitable effects of mass destruction by means of
hydrogen and cobalt bombs and perhaps of ingeniously propagated
plagues. The way to combat Communism is not war. What is needed in
addition to such armaments as will deter Communists from attacking the
West, is a diminution of the grounds for discontent in the less
prosperous parts of the non-communist world. In most of the countries
of Asia, there is abject poverty which the West ought to alleviate as
far as it lies in its power to do so. There is also a great bitterness
which was caused by the centuries of European insolent domination in
Asia. This ought to be dealt with by a combination of patient tact
with dramatic announcements renouncing such relics of white domination
as survive in Asia. Communism is a doctrine bred of poverty, hatred
and strife. Its spread can only be arrested by diminishing the area of
poverty and hatred.
|