Milton Friedman
An Assessment of his Contribution to Economics
Unknown Author
[The individual identified as the author of this
article contacted SCI in February, 2012 to advise this article was
wrongly attributed to him. SCI would appreciate hearing from anyone
who knows who the actual author is and where this was originally
published]
Last week, University of Chicago undergraduates, who were not born
when Milton Friedman retired from teaching, jammed one of the
school's lecture halls to hear the diminutive 84-year-old give a
talk about the postwar development of Hong Kong. Their presence was
a welcome rebuttal to the idea that today's young people don't
recognize what they owe their elders.
Among the many debts those students owe Friedman is the pleasure
of having never known a world in which his ideas were not taken
seriously. When Friedman began his career, he was generally
regarded, even in his profession, as badly deluded. Today, it is
widely acknowledged that the real delusions belonged to his critics.
It's a rare professor who greatly alters the thinking of his
professional colleagues. It's an even rarer one who helps transform
the world. Friedman has done both. His formidable scholarly
contributions on arcane matters like consumption theory, monetary
history and economic methodology won him the 1976 Nobel Prize in
economics. It was the first glimmer of recognition of his place as
the most influential economist of the 20th Century.
Even those who once dismissed his theories have had to surrender.
Friedman argued in the 1960s that it was a mistake to believe, as
most people did, that the government could keep unemployment low by
accepting higher inflation. His fellow Nobel Laureate, liberal
economist Paul Samuelson, pointedly disagreed in the 1967 edition of
his famous textbook, "Economics."
By 1985, though, the book had fully adopted Friedman's view.
Friedman's experience should demolish the notion that the
scribblings of academic economists do nothing for ordinary people.
He long argued that the Federal Reserve's policies are by far the
most important influence on the state of the economy, an idea that
vanquished universal doubt to become accepted wisdom. The
application of his insight by the Federal Reserve has greatly
reduced the frequency and severity of economic downturns, to the
benefit of the multitudes. Meanwhile, Friedman's work on the sources
of inflation has enabled the economy to combine steady growth with
stable prices--a happy marriage once deemed impossible.
Not content to instruct his students and colleagues, however,
Friedman also ventured out to teach the public at large about the
value of free markets, the importance of liberty and the folly of
government control. For years, he wrote a regular column for
Newsweek, and in 1980, he and his wife, Rose Friedman, wrote a
best-selling book, "Free to Choose," to accompany a public
television series of the same title. His 1962 classic, "Capitalism
and Freedom," has been in print for 35 years and has sold more
than half a million copies.
When he began his career, communism and socialism were advancing,
the American welfare state was growing unchallenged and unfettered
capitalism was regarded as a crude relic of a less enlightened age.
Today, of course, communism is dead, socialism has few defenders or
practitioners, the free market is regarded across the world as the
only route to prosperity and even Bill Clinton disavows Big
Government.
"Capitalism and Freedom" included a list of policies
that the author found most objectionable. The list suggests that any
government program desiring a long life should not incur the ire of
Friedman. Fixed exchange rates? They were junked in 1973. Trucking
regulation by the Interstate Commerce Commission? It's gone, too -
-along with the ICC itself. Rent control? In danger even in its
strongest bastion, New York City. Legal limits on the interest paid
on savings accounts? Just a quaint memory. Farm price supports and
output restrictions? Congress voted last year to phase most of them
out.
Friedman's proudest policy achievement was one that helped
establish his credibility with the young people of another age. As
perhaps the most influential member of a presidential commission
that recommended the abolition of the military draft during the
Vietnam War, he deserves much of the credit for bringing about the
current all-volunteer force.
Like most of his proposals, the all-volunteer force rests on the
belief that citizens have rights to life, liberty and property that
the government should respect, both as a matter of economic
efficiency and as a matter of justice. That simple notion has become
the dominant idea of our age.
"All over the world, his kind of economics were out of
fashion from the late 1930s until the early 1960s," said his
University of Chicago colleague Arnold Harberger when Friedman won
the Nobel Prize. "Now everybody knows he was right." Those
University of Chicago students, who grew up in the midst of a
flowering of liberty and prosperity stimulated by ideas spread by
Milton Friedman, may not have to be told.