Review of the Book
The Ownership, Tenure and Taxation of Land
by Thomas P. Whittaker
George White
[Reprinted from the
Single Tax Review, March-April 1916]
In The Ownership, Tenure and Taxation of Land; Some Facts,
Fallacies and Proposals Relating Thereto, the Right Honorable Sir
Thomas Wittaker, P. C., M. P., has undertaken to bring together a mass
of historical and statistical information, and to discuss this and the
problems which bear upon the ownership, tenure and taxation of land.
The author claims to be merely an average man of fairly wide
experience, who has devoted a considerable amount of time to an
endeavor to ascertain facts and arrive at sound conclusions. His aim,
however, he says, has been to enunciate the fundamental principles of
economics and ethics, and to clear away a dense mass of error and
misconception in which prejudice and lack of knowledge have enveloped
the whole subject.
The book has nearly 600 folio pages, and is divided into parts
dealing with:
- The ethics and origin of the private ownership of land;
- Economic progress and the ownership and value of land;
- The history of land ownership in England;
- Who really owns the land, some considerations of honesty and
honor;
- The enclosure of common lands in England;
- Some difficulties and theories in the evolution of national and
local taxation;
- The incidence of local taxation;
- The English leasehold system;
- Various proposals for the taxation of land values;
- Summary of conclusions; and
- Agricultural wages and problems of tenure and housing in town
and country.
The author has been industrious in gathering statistics and facts or
statements of facts, and, although these refer almost wholly to
British conditions, the inquiring reader will find much to inform him.
The chapters on the history of land ownership, tenure and taxation of
land in England are full of information, one of the most interesting
being that on the English "land taxes" of 1692, 1697 and
1798, the author's conclusion being that the ideas of Richard Cobden
and others as to English landlords gradually shifting taxes from
themselves to others were erroneous and based upon a complete
misconception of facts. "The history of taxation in England for
several centuries," he says, "is a record of the continual
and successful effort made by the general taxpayers to evade their
share of the tax burdens by lifting them from their own backs to those
of the landholders."
Four chapters of the book are devoted to an account and consideration
of the enclosure of English common fields and waste lands. The author
concludes that enclosure was, beyond question, a necessity to give
place to efficient, progressive and scientific farming, and, while
inconvenience, loss, suffering and therefore discontent and complaint
attended the change, "it is the general experience in all cases
where new and better systems and methods supersede old ones, to the
great advantage of the community as a whole, the change involves
hardship and loss to some" -- an observation, it may be said, not
without pertinence regarding tax reform proposals.
The reader will find in this ambitious attempt to controvert the
Single Tax philosophy nothing of importance on the side of ethics or
economics. Sir Thomas may be an average man, but apparently he has not
sensed the overwhelming importance of his subject. The ethics of
private possession of valuable land deal with too serious a subject to
be decided by sophistical arguments such as those of Professor Huxley,
to which our author gives prominent assent. Huxley's first proposition
was that a natural right is only such a right as that of men to kill
tigers, and tigers to make tiger-meat of mankind -- two kinds of
natural rights, "quite indisputable and alike founded on a law of
nature, but diametrically opposed to one another." To proceed
from this indisputable statement to the conclusion that no question
can be raised as to the natural right of one set of tigers to private
ownership of access to the natural offering of tiger-meat, or as to
the natural right of one set of men to private ownership of the earth
to the exclusion of their fellows, would seem to be too transparent a
sophistry even for a British baronet.
Huxley's next proposition, curiously enough held to be fatal to the
assertion of a natural right to equal access to the earth, is that if
Robinson Crusoe had a natural right to take possession of his island,
upon the appearance of another Crusoe each 'would have to renounce the
law of nature and put himself under a moral and civil law, replacing
natural rights, which have no wrongs, for moral and civil rights, each
of which has its co-relative wrong. Sir Thomas thinks this argument
disposes effectively of all talk of natural rights affecting men in
their civil life. It is not believable that Sir Thomas has spent much
time on the ethics of the land question. It is no wonder he quotes
approvingly "one of Scotland's ablest thinkers," Professor
Ritchie, who once wrote "We must admit there was a stage in human
development when slavery, being useful for the purpose of mankind, was
not contrary to what then could have been considered natural rights,
although when slavery is no longer an institution of progressive
societies it becomes contrary to what people now consider natural
rights." Perhaps some day a professor, paraphrasing this
statement, will substitute for the word "slavery" some other
that will define "private possession of land values."
Sir Thomas accepts the Ricardian theory of rent, and, true to the
English standard, appears to consider it as applicable to agricultural
land only. He makes a very unsuccessful attempt to deny and refute the
claim that improvements in the arts increase rent or the share of
product absorbed by landholders, and is thus led to assert that
improvements in transportation and transit lower rents by throwing out
of use the poorest land, enabling the margin of cultivation to be
raised!
The final judgment on this book, undoubtedly the result of much labor
and little independent thinking, must be that while it should be read
and is worth reading, it offers no sound reason for abandoning or
modifying in any important particular the Single Tax propaganda.
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