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SCI LIBRARY

I. Capitalizing on Conspiracy

America's Unknown Enemy: Beyond Conspiracy

Editorial Staff of the
American Institute for Economic Research



[1993]


CONSPIRACY theory asserts that a secret cabal of international entities -- principally bankers, multinational corporations, educators, the media, and members of certain secret societies and membership organizations -- is directing world events toward a single objective: global domination by the conspirators. In one form or another, conspiracy theory has been around for many decades. During recent years, however, interest in it has risen dramatically, as government power and world problems -- especially monetary problems -- have grown alarmingly.

Conspiracy theory apparently has enjoyed a revival as a result of another recent phenomenon: the publication of financial newsletters that explicitly link knowledge of this conspiracy to "incredible profit opportunities." By implication, the writers are "in the know" about the conspirators' moves and thereby can help the individual investor to protect or add to his wealth from this knowledge.

There is abundant evidence that powerful bankers and other special interests at times have used the political process to manipulate government economic decisions for their own narrow interest. And these actions -- by extending the encroachment of government into more and more areas - constitute a threat to both the financial independence and individual liberty of all U.S. citizens. Although we sometimes have reached conclusions regarding the state of world financial developments similar to those of the conspiracy theorists, our conclusions do not rely on notions of conspiracy. Observable actions and events are involved. One need not make giant speculative leaps about moves nor be "in the know" to some secret to recognize the danger posed by various unsound policies and practices. And this applies to the development and formulation of prudent policies and practices for personal finances as well as national interests.

What use the notion of an international economic conspiracy per se can be to the development of a prudent investment program is not clear. It may be that information will seem more valuable to potential buyers if it is made to seem inaccessible or "secret." In any event, readers would be well-advised to remain alert as to exactly what advantage "knowing about" any alleged conspiracy is purported to offer individual investors.

As regards the genuinely threatening practices and policies themselves, attributing them to "unbelievable" assertions of a conspiracy may well detract from warranted positions about the actual dangers they pose. As we describe below, many plausible nonconspiratorial scenarios can be hypothesized that would account for the connections that conspiracy theorists offer as proof of their notions. The relatively easy debunking of the conspiracy theory raises the possibility that the genuine dangers also will be rejected as being the unfounded fears of crackpots.


Foolish Attacks But Not False Issues


For example, some years ago in the wake of media attention given to reports that he was the mastermind of an international conspiracy aimed at world domination (alleged to have gained influence in both the Carter Administration and the Reagan campaign), David Rockefeller uncharacteristically issued a public rebuttal. Such allegations, he responded, were the paranoid fantasies of far right and far left "extremists." According to Rockefeller, rightwingers deluded themselves into thinking that he led "a nefarious plot by an Eastern Establishment of businessmen in the service of multinational corporations, who will do almost anything including going into cahoots with the Kremlin for the sake of financial gain." At the same time, he said, leftists imagined that he directed "a scheme to subject the working people of the world to the machinations of rapacious capitalism." By implication, the very contradiction of these notions discredited them both.

Rockefeller cited the diversity of membership in the alleged conspiracy, which included not only "businessmen" (he never referred specifically to international bankers) but also labor union leaders, university professors and research institute directors, Congressmen and Senators, and media representatives, as impressive circumstantial evidence there was no cabal. Presumably, persons so different from one another as "the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, the President of the AFL-CIO, the Chief Editor of the Chicago Sun Times and others ... would have difficulty hatching the same plot."*

Rockefeller protested that misguided assaults on some nonexistent "coterie of international conspirators" must not be permitted to impugn the integrity of those "concerned citizens interested in fostering greater understanding and cooperation among international allies." The "absurdities of the extremists," he averred, must not be allowed to interfere with the urgent task of meeting the challenges of a changing world. "In such an uncertain and turbulent world climate," he concluded, Americans could not afford to be sidetracked by "foolish attacks on false issues."

Almost surely, criticism and derision invited by the methods and preoccupations of conspiracy advocates have diverted needed attention from the warranted evidence that has been gathered and from which useful conclusions and reasonable implications regarding the distribution and exercise of power (economic and otherwise) might be drawn. Conspiracy theorists have not been dealing with false issues, even though they easily can be faulted for foolish attacks.

The greatest protection to financial security for all Americans will not be secured by trying to "beat the game" of the "money manipulators," as one financial service had advised. Rather, it will be best served by restoring sanity to financial policy, by devoting greater effort to preserving and expanding American rights and freedoms, and by eliminating the special privileges that enable some citizens legally to rob others.

The possibility that the power to formulate and conduct American domestic and foreign policy has become dangerously concentrated in the hands of an elite group (as distinct from a "conspiratorial" group) contains grave implications. The extent to which Americans allow (because of ignorance or indifference) U.S. policy to be controlled by an apolitical coterie bent on personal gain, or by a power elite in pursuit of some hidden agenda, or by "globalists" prepared to sacrifice national interests for some nebulously conceived "new world order," will largely determine whether Americans will advance in freedom or retrogress in slavery.

FOOTNOTE


The Wall Street Journal, April 30, 1980. Articles relating to the "conspiracy" in question had appeared not only in conservative publications such as American Opinion, but also in the news weeklies Time and Newsweek, in Esquire Magazine, in the sexploitation magazines Oui and Penthouse, and in the liberal The Atlantic.

I.
CAPITALIZING ON CONSPIRACY
II.
THE SOCIOLOGY OF CONSPIRACY
III.
THE CONSPIRATORS
IV.
THE FEDERAL RESERVE CONSPIRACY
V.
WHAT DO INTERNATIONAL BANKERS WANT?
VI.
THE TRILATERALISTS' ROAD TO POWER
VII.
THE NEW WORLD ORDER I: MOLDING PUBLIC THOUGHT AND OPINION
VIII.
THE NEW WORLD ORDER II: BEYOND CONSPIRACY
IX.
THE PERSISTENT LURE OF THE FANTASTIC
X.
HOW TO MAKE ENEMIES IN BACKWARD NATIONS
XI.
LORDS OF POVERTY
XII.
THE END OF HISTORY?
XIII.
IS SOCIALISM DEAD?
XIV.
SOCIALISM IN THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
XV.
A NEW EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMICS?
XVI.
EARTH DAY FALLOUT: THE TWO CULTURES REVISITED
XVII.
BOOMSTERS 1, DOOMSTERS 0
XVIII.
WHITHER THE NATIONAL INTEREST?
XIX.
GLOBAL WARMING AND OTHER ENVIRONMENTAL MYTHS
XX.
THE COUNTERREVOLUTION