Letters on Taxation
Letter 7
Edwin Burgess
[1859]
We would naturally suppose that the question, What is the best means
of raising revenue? would be one of the first considerations of every
party desiring to govern this country or any other; but I am at a loss
to find any party in any country that has investigated the subject,
and recorded a satisfactory reply.
In this country, our revenue is raised by duties on imported goods
and proceeds or profits of the sales of public lands; and when the
expenditure exceeds the revenue, the deficiency is supplied by an
issue of notes on the treasury, bearing interest, which are to be
redeemed by future duties on imports and sales of public lands.
But it is evident that the sales of land cannot be much relied on for
revenue, as they only amount to between three and four million dollars
a year, and about one third is generally consumed for collecting,
surveying, mapping, rent of offices, etc., and the payment of Indians
will probably about balance the account, to say nothing of Indian
wars; besides, the sales must soon diminish and ultimately cease
unless we buy or steal more territory. Therefore, our main dependence
for revenue is on duties on imports; and is it not our duty and
interest to inquire if that is the best means of raising revenues?
If a tax on commerce is the best means of raising revenues on the
boundaries of countries or nations to bear the expenses of the general
government, why not on the boundaries of states, counties, towns, and
cities, as in Paris and other cities on the continent of Europe, to
defray the expenses of state, county, town, and city government? If
the principle is the best, why not apply it everywhere? But if not why
apply it anywhere?
In Paris, a city containing nearly two millions of people, there are
numerous roads out the the city, through strong iron gates, protected
by military; and all persons are searched, if suspected, every time
they enter, to see if they have any article on which duties may be
levied, and the duties on fruit, meat, vegetables, tobacco, wines,
spirits, etc., are there collected. What a glorious source of
patronage this would be for a corrupt republic! What a paradise for
official toadies! What an interesting scene to witness the "pants"
of every gentleman, and the "crinoline" of every lady,
subjected to official scrutiny! No wonder the press is gagged, and the
people gagged and forbidden to hold public meetings, or sing the "Marseillaise,"
or anything which breathes of liberty, truth, and justice, just as the
press and people are gagged with us at the South, if they write,
speak, or sing of liberty for all, or lend, "Uncle Tom's Cabin"
to a coloured man, woman, or child.
One would think that when we declared our Independence of Foreign
Government, we would exercise the independence of thought, to see what
means of raising revenue would leave the largest liberty, equality,
and prosperity for all; and be the least expensive, burdensome, and
oppressive to any; and if the tariff, high or low, for protection or
revenue, or both, best fulfils these conditions, then carry it into
every department where revenue is required.
To illustrate the relative merits of the tariff and the land tax, let
us suppose, for example, that Racine exempted all merchants' and
manufacturer's goods from taxes, and all grain, farm produce, etc.,
and all people from poll tax and all improvements from taxes, and put
all the taxes on the land; and at the same time Milwaukee and Kenosha
exempted all land from taxes, and put all the taxes on the
improvements and poll tax, in fact on all articles which are exempt
from taxes in Racine; where would the mechanics, merchants and
manufacturers settle? If all other advantages were equal, evidently
where the goods were untaxed, because it would cost less to commence
and carry on manufactories, and they could sell goods better also
where no special tax raised the price of the article. Where would the
farmers go to sell their produce and buy their goods? Doubtless where
neither were taxed, because there they would obtain the most money for
their produce, and the most goods for their money. Would not Racine
grow rapidly while Milwaukee and Kenosha dwindled? And will not this
be true of any city, town, county, state, or nation?
But where will the land speculators go? Will it not be where the land
is untaxed? Because there it will sell for highest price, while it
costs nothing to keep the land idle and the man idle. There the land
monopolist might flourish, but there it would be more difficult to
commence farming because the land will be higher, and manufacturing
also, not only because the land for the factory will cost much more,
but because of the special tax on the raw material, and every
implement for manufacturing it. And where the land is untaxed, the
land being higher, the rents will be higher also, and it will be
doubly difficult for the landless mechanic to buy a lot for his house,
and his rent will be high in proportion as the land is high. And the
high price and high rents, instead of defraying the expenses of
government ( as the land tax would do ), go to enrich the land
monopolist as the cost of every landless consumer; and by making and
keeping people landless and dependent on the monopolist for
employment, and thus making the means of living the most uncertain,
promote misery, pauperism, and crime, and thus vastly increase the
cost of government by increasing the taxes for the prevention of crime
and the support of paupers, criminals and their officers.
The land tax, unlike the tariff, would require no extra officers for
assessing and collecting revenue for the general government, as the
expenses would be defrayed by a percentage on the assessment for State
purposes, which would be transmitted to the general government in the
best manner.
Think what a savings that would be over the old feudal system of
barbarian despots! No buying Cuba or any other country on the plea of
the benefits of free trade, but free trade without buying the country
for it. No Custom Houses and officers; no revenue service to diminish
our liberties, increase our expenses, and rob us of our right of free
trade on the plea of protection; no commercial treaties abroad for
special monopolies, or vexatious litigation on tariff violations at
home; more producers and fewer destroyers; standing armies and navies
being no longer needed when our commercial motto shall be, "Free
Trade with all the world."
Our Stars and Stripes to every land should ever be unfurl'd
With liberty for all mankind; free commerce with the world.
THE WORKER'S PLATFORM
Come, brother workers one and all,
Get ready for the fight:
We're going now to battle for
The cause of Human Right.
First let us get our heritage,
The right to own the soil;
And then we'll see who'll nabobs be
On other people's toil.
Thus raise the worker's platform,
The right of all to land;
The right to toil and eat the fruit,
In justice we demand;
The right to make, the right to own,
To freely sell and buy;
Say! who is there can show the wrong,
Or dare the right deny?
Why should we heed the tyrant's laws,
By which the few can hold
The land which should belong to all,
Which now they sell for gold?
With gold they buy our brethren, while
They rob us of our land;
Then we must starve or sell our toil
To feed the robber band.
'Tis time the proud and lazy drones
To toil should have a chance
That out of their own labour they
May pipe and sing and dance;
We've kept them idle long enough
In luxury and pride;
'Tis only right that they with us
The labour should divide.
And then our wives and children dear
Will have some time to learn;
In poetry and music sweet,
And dancing take a turn.
When decked by their own honest toil,
Who knows but they may shine
As well as any gentle folk
We've fed and clothed so fine.
We would not harbour vile revenge,
Nor wrong return for wrong;
But still we want such slavery
They should no more prolong.
To do as we'd be done unto,
Is all that we demand;
To justly share with them the toil,
And they with us the land.
INTRODUCTION
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