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SCI LIBRARY

XVII. Boomsters 1, Doomsters 0

America's Unknown Enemy: Beyond Conspiracy

Editorial Staff of the
American Institute for Economic Research



[1993]


Contrary to Malthusian notions of scarcity that have propelled the eco-environmentalist movement, world resources are becoming more, not less, plentiful. The world's food supply is improving, pollution in the United States has been decreasing, and economies do not suffer, but rather benefit, from population growth. That many people continue to believe otherwise reflects, among other things, a failure to distinguish between the consumption patterns of nonhuman species and human resourcefulness.

"Ten years ago, an ecologist and an economist with bitterly opposing world views made a $1,000 wager over an old question: Was the earth's population running out of natural resources? It was the doomster against the boomster, and this fall one of them [the doomster ecologist] had to pay up." So wrote reporter John Tierney in The New York Times Magazine last December in an article that marked a notable departure from that publication's long-standing "green" editorial policy.

Tierney's piece reported that in the scientific community, notions of impending planetary doom now are waning. It cited a recent report of the National Academy of Sciences that concluded, among other things, "that there was no clear evidence that population growth makes countries poorer ... but argued that other factors, like a country's economic structure and political institutions, were much more important to social well-being. ...It noted that most experts expected the world food situation to continue improving, and it concluded that, for the foreseeable future, 'the scarcity of exhaustible resources is at most a minor constraint on economic growth."' Tierney also observed, however, that such views are "still far behind when it comes to winning over the general public."[1]

As to the bet, University of Maryland economist Julian Simon in 1980 wagered Stanford ecologist Paul Ehrlich that over 10 years the prices of a basket of "scarce" commodities (selected by Ehrlich) would not increase as a result of dwindling supply but rather would decrease in response to exploration and discovery, technological innovation, and other human endeavors. The results a decade later showed Simon a clear winner: the prices of the selected commodities had decreased substantially and human well-being, as measured by life expectancies, food and energy supplies, and the like had improved.


The Resourceful Animal


This outcome confirmed in real-world terms what scientific critics of Malthusian predictions of ecological disaster have been struggling to publicize for more than 2 decades: namely, that the human use of resources differs greatly from consumption in the "natural world" that often serves as the referent for environmental fearmongering. Virtually every species except man is forced to comply with certain observed "laws of nature," which include severe penalties for behavior (or natural calamity) that threatens the supply of resources needed to sustain life. Overgrazing results in famines; too great success in hunting prey is followed by starvation and population decrease; too little or too much precipitation, or other weather anomalies, have similar effects. Overpopulation and resource scarcity thus would seem to be chronic threats to many species, and the so-called balance of nature is achieved through constantly changing circumstances that, for the affected animal populations, are uncontrollable and unforgiving. If the needs of the local population (of rabbits, rats, deer, cougars, or whatever) exceed the immediately available resources, disaster ensues.

But this is not always, or even usually, so for humans, and it often is mistaken to apply such "lessons of nature," as many environmentalists do, to human situations. As the 19th-century economist Henry George observed, "Both the jayhawk and the man eat chickens, but the more jayhawks, the fewer chickens, while the more men, the more chickens."

In human experience, scarcity has prompted an innovative search for ways to overcome shortages, usually with greater abundance, safety, and environmental cleanliness resulting than before. Scarcities of wood (many of Europe's forests were virtually obliterated between the 13th and the middle of the 18th century) initially gave way to energy derived from dirty bituminous "soft" coal, then the cleaner anthracite coal, which in turn gave way to petroleum-based energy, and subsequently to nuclear energy, which contrary to widespread anti-nuclear sentiment is measurably safer and far "cleaner" than either coal or oil. In agriculture, manual farming gave way in the late-18th and early-19th centuries to mechanization, thence to the 20th-century "green revolution" resulting from the combination of crop hybridization and petro-chemical fertilization.

In short, technological innovation in energy and agriculture has encouraged human population growth far beyond the limitations posited by Malthusian theory. And recent advances in soil science and genetic plant engineering, which hold out the promise of even greater yields and the elimination of the most-harmful side effects of current technologies ( e.g., erosion and salinization of crop lands, pollution of ground water, and the hazard of the improper application of chemical pesticides) would seem to promise even better results in the future. It is no wonder that the number of farmers in the United States has been steadily decreasing for the past 2 centuries. The simple fact is that the provision of foodstuffs in greater abundance and variety than ever before is one of the triumphs of modem technology -- and it ought to be apparent to anyone who has shopped the aisles of today's supermarkets.

In the words of Professor Simon, "Raw materials and energy are getting less scarce. The world's food supply is improving. Pollution in the United States has been decreasing. Population growth has long-term benefits ... [and] ... The United States needs more immigrants."[2]

Beyond population concerns, there also is no scientific consensus that either acid rain, global warming, or ozone depletion pose the threats that are commonly supposed. Rather, a growing body of scientific research suggests that acid precipitation is a naturally occurring phenomenon (as has been known for centuries) whose environmental effects have yet to be accurately determined. In any event, the human contribution to this "problem" must be measured against acid precipitation that results from natural sources such as volcanic eruptions and the sulfur and nitrogen compounds that are produced by the decay of organic matter in swamps, wetlands, and the like.[3]

With respect to global warming and depletion of the ozone layer, there simply are too few reliable data to make informed judgments. So far, there are no consistent data to show any long-term global warming trend, and the computer models used to generate predictions of future temperature trends suffer from flaws similar to those of the econometric models that have been so inaccurate in predicting economic events (and that we have criticized repeatedly). Inquiry into the process and extent of ozone depletion and its effects seems equally uncertain. According to the 1987-88 Annual Report of the Rand Corporation, "The extent of ozone depletion and the severity of the consequences of projected emission levels are extremely uncertain. Projections of future depletion are based on complex simulation models that have not been reconciled with the limited available measurements."[4] In short, there simply is no good evidence that the world is falling apart.


Why Do People Believe "The End Is Near"?


One might think that the general improvement in human conditions ought to be obvious to anyone who has witnessed the favorable changes in air, water, and food quality, advances in medicine, and the introduction of various technological accoutrements that have "made life easier" here and elsewhere since World War II. But it apparently is not. Professor Simon's views (and those of like-minded colleagues) have gone virtually unheeded for the past 20 years while the eco-environmentalist vision of impending catastrophe has captured the public interest. Indeed, in the absence of scientific warrant for the belief that the planet is otherwise being destroyed, from a behavioral science perspective a challenging question is: what conditions have spawned the apparently widespread conviction in America that things are getting worse and that "the end is near"?
Professor Simon has identified a number of factors that may contribute to the popularity of Malthus-like notions.[5] With respect to population concerns, he posits "that there is in all of us a built-in intellectual weakness" that predisposes us to believe the worst. "We are predisposed in this manner because the negative economic effects of additional people are direct and immediate and local, and therefore obvious. In contrast, the beneficial effects are indirect and global and occur only after the passage of some time" and so are not obvious.

Beyond this, he observes that a number of groups have a parochial self-interest in promoting doomsaying ideas, among them the media, for whom impending calamities make dramatic news; the scientific community, for whom fears of disaster lead to support for research into ways to prevent them; and political interest groups intent on acquiring power through intervention in the economy (one might add to this list business interests that in the name of environmental protection seek to prevent competition). Yet others seem to harbor a fascination for "imagined impending disasters" or resist change of any sort (hence, the opposition to "development" disguised as environmental concern).

Others have cast apocalyptic views broadly within the context of Western religious culture. Although much of the current eco-environmental initiative would seem to repudiate a part of the Judeo-Christian ethic ("go forth and multiply," "subdue the earth," etc.), it nevertheless seems strongly supported by notions of redemption through suffering and the expiation of guilt that often is associated with religious salvation. In this respect, the sacrifices that are said to be needed to protect the planet are consistent with and help to fulfill the requirements of salvation.

We would add to this list two closely related obstacles to any broad understanding of the relation of humans to their environment. One is the scientific illiteracy of the American public. In view of the current propensity to romanticize and anthropomorphize virtually anything found in nature (including dinosaurs), it seems unlikely that this situation soon will change. The unfortunate fact is that even those who have assumed responsibility for reporting and interpreting pertinent discoveries ( i.e., the media) are themselves ignorant.

In larger context, eco-environmentalist views would seem to be a further expression of what John Dewey called the "quest for certainty," which has been an obstacle to human progress throughout history. It is perhaps understandable that with the collapse of Communism and the growing inadequacies of the welfare state, those inclined toward the quest for certainty would seek some new strain of utopian perfectionism. Ecoenvironmentalism would seem to promise a riskless society, ideally with as few humans as possible. In this respect, it is profoundly opposed to capitalism, the vitality of which depends on the willingness to assume risk. And inasmuch as it seeks an earth with fewer (perhaps many fewer) people, it also is profoundly anti-human. The irony of the situation is that the prospects for both human advancement and environmental protection have never been brighter, if only political regimes would permit people to pursue their own interests.


NOTES


  1. "Betting the Planet," The New York Times Magazine, December 2, 1990, pp.52-3, 74-81.
  2. * Julian L. Simon, Population Matters: People, Resources, Environment, and Immigration, New Brunswick, N.J., Transaction Publishers, 1990, p.1.
  3. For a discussion of acid rain, see Dixy Lee Ray, Trashing the Planet, Regnery Gateway, Wasbington, D.C., 1990, pp.49-67; see also Research Reports, May 7, 1990.
  4. Ray, op. cit., p.44.
  5. See Population Matters, pp. 3-8.


I.
CAPITALIZING ON CONSPIRACY
II.
THE SOCIOLOGY OF CONSPIRACY
III.
THE CONSPIRATORS
IV.
THE FEDERAL RESERVE CONSPIRACY
V.
WHAT DO INTERNATIONAL BANKERS WANT?
VI.
THE TRILATERALISTS' ROAD TO POWER
VII.
THE NEW WORLD ORDER I: MOLDING PUBLIC THOUGHT AND OPINION
VIII.
THE NEW WORLD ORDER II: BEYOND CONSPIRACY
IX.
THE PERSISTENT LURE OF THE FANTASTIC
X.
HOW TO MAKE ENEMIES IN BACKWARD NATIONS
XI.
LORDS OF POVERTY
XII.
THE END OF HISTORY?
XIII.
IS SOCIALISM DEAD?
XIV.
SOCIALISM IN THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
XV.
A NEW EASTERN EUROPEAN ECONOMICS?
XVI.
EARTH DAY FALLOUT: THE TWO CULTURES REVISITED
XVII.
BOOMSTERS 1, DOOMSTERS 0
XVIII.
WHITHER THE NATIONAL INTEREST?
XIX.
GLOBAL WARMING AND OTHER ENVIRONMENTAL MYTHS
XX.
THE COUNTERREVOLUTION