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SCI LIBRARY

The Essential Reform:
Land Value Taxation
In Theory and Practice

C. H. Chomley and R. L. Outhwaite


[Part 8 of 15]


A sufficiently high tax on land values, through the forcing into use of land now held for higher prices, would in itself have an immediate stimulating effect upon the building trade; coupled with the remission of rates that now fall upon structures, its effect would be little short of magical in transforming conditions. To see that this would be so we have to take into consideration present circumstances. Building is not retarded alone by the holding up of land around the cities, for in the villages as well the people are to be found herding in hovels surrounded by looked-up acres, and with regard to the small towns the same conditions pr4wail. Wherever the people are gathered we find them herded together whilst the land around is held idle, the owners waiting for fresh increments of value to accrue as demand becomes ever more insistent owing to the capacity of the population to increase even under the most unfavourable conditions. When the land-owner is approached, he will not sell his land at its present use value, but requires a price which he knows it will fetch in the years to come when the needs of the people for it shall have become even greater, and State or municipal expenditure shall have still further enhanced its value. He is content, in the words of John Stuart Mill, "to grow rich, as it were, in his sleep." To this cause is primarily duo the appalling state of affairs that is revealed by the statistics of what is termed "the housing problem," but which is in reality the land problem.

Let the reader, if he can, realise the significance of the following figures: The total area of England and Wales is 37 million acres, and in 1901 the population was 32-1/2 millions. Of the total population no fewer than 25 millions are living on 200,000 acres, and of these 25 millions 13 are living in 2,600,000 tenements of four rooms or less. Each of these tenements, including the air-space around it, occupies on a liberal calculation 1000 square feet. Consequently the 13 millions together occupy about 60,000 acres, leaving 140,000 acres for the other 12 millions, who live in country boroughs and urban districts: --

"That is to say, two-fifths of the population of England and Wales are crowded together on just over one eight-hundredth part of the total land of the country, another two-fifths occupy a little more than one two-hundred-and-fiftieth part, and the remaining fifth is scattered over the rest of the land."


These figures and the quotation are taken from an admirable book on "Practical Housing," by Mr. J. S. Nettlefold, of Birmingham.

Now for this evil the taxation of land values will provide a swift and potent remedy. If the landholder has to pay the same tax or rate on his idle land as he would have to pay were it put to its highest possible use, it is certain that he will put it to that use or part with it as ruinous to hold. For no longer will it be profitable to hold it for a rise, since the amount of the yearly levy will be more than the yearly increase in land value, and with every increase in land value the amount payable under a specific rate or tax will rise also. The impossibility of the land-owners maintaining their present demands can be realised by taking an illustration provided by the Duke of Northumberland, who recently demanded and received from the county council at the rate of £900 an acre for a piece of land for a school site, part of an estate in extent about 4000 acres held for a rise close to Newcastle. On the Duke's valuation this area, now let for grazing, is worth £3,600,000. A tax of 2d. in the pound on the capital value would cause the Duke to pay £30,000 a year in respect of land from which he is probably drawing not more than £4000 a year in grazing rents; at the New Zealand rate of 2 per cent. he would pay £72,000. It is safe to say he would not hold it long under such conditions when the levy would be falling upon his 180,000 acres. There is a demand for this particular land, for it is locking in the extension of Newcastle in one direction. On the property is a colliery from which the Duke draws a huge revenue in royalties. When the colliery company applied to him for land on which to erect cottages for the miners, refused to sell, and land had to be purchased on an estate about two miles away from the pit. So while to-day in every district of the Kingdom land required for building is being held up, as soon as the unimproved land values tax fell upon it the land-owners would be tumbling over one another to get rid of it, or be hastening to utilise it. Land-owners would be seeking buyers in every direction, and there would be a slump in artificial land values. Immediately that took place, the opportunity of the builder would come to meet the existent demand.

With cheap land offering, with no rate to pay on any structure that might be erected upon it, there would be no artificial curtailment in the production buildings as at present when they are rated up to 10s. in the pound on their rental value. The depression in the building trade would then vanish, for it is an artificial one, seeing that the need for buildings is greater than the supply, and that the need cannot be met because an artificial enhancement of the cost of the commodity places it out the reach of those who require it. That this no mere theory, but a principle established by actual fact, can be seen from the results of the shifting of rates on to unimproved land values in Australasia, a detailed account of which appears in a subsequent chapter. It is sufficient here to state that the theory now being advanced has been fully borne out in practice.

But it is not only vacant land which is being held out of use that the taxation or rating of land values would affect. Perhaps the most striking result, so far as the cities are concerned, would be seen in the demolition of buildings not representing the best use to which the land on which they are erected could be put, and the substitution of appropriate ones. Let us take, in the first instance, the case of dwellings. It has been calculated that in London alone there are 50,000 empty houses. This is not because there is no demand for houses, as the statistics of overcrowding clearly indicate. These houses are obsolete, and have been deserted for this reason by the class that formerly tenanted them. In the poorer quarters they have been left because the workers, through the construction of the trams, can find better provision for their needs further afield. In the better districts the insanitary house with sunless basement rooms and lack of modern conveniences is shunned. In almost every London suburb hundreds of empty houses of ancient date are to be found, often occupying the best sites, while close by modern houses are being erected and are being let before completion. Now under the present system these empty houses contribute nothing to the rates, the whole burden of which is consequently thrown upon such as are in occupation. Those who have built houses to meet demand have the commodity they have produced subjected to an annual tax, from the fund thus provided the municipality finances those services which maintain the value of land on which the empty houses stand. Some receive services and pay nothing for them, and consequently others who receive services have to pay too much for them. The substitution of the land values rate or tax for the present system would alter this state of affairs. The owners of the 50,000 empty houses, when called upon to pay precisely as much whether they were occupied or not, would quickly lower the rent demanded for them, or pull them down and erect others, or part with the land to those who would. The fact that the land values tax or rate was driving vacant land into use in all directions giving people the opportunity to obtain houses accordance with their requirements would further compel the demolition of obsolete structures in favour of more suitable ones. The slums that have resisted all palliatives would vanish before the economic forces thus set up.

So too as regards business premises, the existence of the miserably inadequate structures that disgrace almost every great thoroughfare of every great city or town in the Kingdom would be cut short by the rate or tax on land values, for such would fall with crushing effect upon ground landlords holding some of the most valuable land in the world out of full use.

On the occasion of a late visit to London, the Hon. Lawson Purdy, the Chairman of the Department of Taxes and Assessments for New York, expressed the opinion that were rates levied on actual capital value in London as in New York, nearly all Regent Street would be pulled down and a large part of the Strand. As the great ground landlords of the cities would be compelled to put their land to the fullest possible use, from this circumstance would result relief from the tyranny now inflicted upon occupants under a building lease. At present they erect premises which are subject to confiscation after a term of years by the ground landlord and to a periodic readjustment of rent. The man who has created a successful business in one particular spot dare not risk its transfer to another, even were that possible, which it is not, for all available sites may be in the hands of one monopolist. Consequently he has to enter into a bargain with, as it were, revolver at his head, and his one object must be to limit to barest necessity the capital expenditure that will some day be subject to confiscation. But when the ground landlord finds himself subject to a tax on the capital value of his land, he will be willing to forego the right of confiscation of capital at some future date in order that the maximum of return may be obtainable from the at present. He too, as other men holding land of use or full use, will then be driven to seek users, and the latter will be in a far better position than at present to bargain.

The ground landlord, paying for services now on the occupier, will require his land put to its maximum use and be seeking the men who want it. The land-user, finding the ground landlord him in a spirit of enforced reasonableness, and the State taking burdens off capital expenditure the shape of buildings, will be in a position to obtain a security for his enterprise against confiscation that he lacks at present. Inadequate buildings will then be demolished, and ones representing the fullest use to which the site can be put will be substituted. From the operation of these causes the city, no less than the suburbs, will be transformed. Slum dwellings will vanish at the centre, and cheap houses spring into existence on the outskirts.

Finally, it may be pointed out that the general effect of the land values tax, in giving those desirous of being land-users the opportunity to employ themselves, and consequently in raising wages; would be to greatly stimulate the production of houses making effective the potential demand. This would be particularly the case as regards the rural districts. Nowhere is the necessity for the building of cottages more urgent than in the villages, nowhere does worse overcrowding exist. This is largely due to the fact that, owing to his being access to the soil, the wage of the labourer has been driven down to such a low point that he cannot afford to pay a rent that will give a return upon capital expenditure. With a wage of from 12s. to 14s. a week the labourer cannot afford pay more than 2s. a week for a cottage. With a higher wage, with land made available for him to labour upon and for the erection of cottages, building would proceed apace upon the countryside. So it may be claimed that by a simple readjustment of taxation the housing problem can be solved, and incidentally an industry, which at present is contributing the greatest quota to the ranks of the unemployed, can be stimulated to an extraordinary degree.


Part 1 * Part 2 * Part 3 * Part 4 * Part 5
Part 6 * Part 7 * Part 8 * Part 9 * Part 10
Part 11 * Part 12 * Part 13 * Part 14 * Part 15